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This paper reports on an elicited production study which investigates prosodic marking of narrow focus in modified noun phrases in varieties of South African English. The acoustic analysis of fundamental frequency, intensity, and duration in narrow focus is presented and discussed. The results suggest that these three acoustic parameters are manipulated differently in narrow focus in the varieties of English as a Second Language as compared to General South African English. The article compares the results to what is known about prosodic marking of information structure in other varieties of English as a Second Language and underlines the necessity of carefully controlled data in the investigation of phonological and phonetic variation in varieties of English.
In this thesis, I develop a theoretical implementation of prosodic reconstruction and apply it to the empirical domain of German sentences in which part of a focus or contrastive topic is fronted.
Prosodic reconstruction refers to the idea that sentences involving syntactic movement show prosodic parallels with corresponding simpler structures without movement. I propose to model this recurrent observation by ordering syntax-prosody mapping before copy deletion.
In order to account for the partial fronting data, the idea is extended to the mapping between prosody and information structure. This assumption helps to explain why object-initial sentences containing a broad focus or broad contrastive topic show similar prosodic and interpretative restrictions as sentences with canonical word order.
The empirical adequacy of the model is tested against a set of gradient acceptability judgments.
Early sensitivity to prosodic phrase boundary cues: Behavioral evidence from German-learning infants
(2023)
This dissertation seeks to shed light on the relation of phrasal prosody and developmental speech perception in German-learning infants. Three independent empirical studies explore the role of acoustic correlates of major prosodic boundaries, specifically pitch change, final lengthening, and pause, in infant boundary perception. Moreover, it was examined whether the sensitivity to prosodic phrase boundary markings changes during the first year of life as a result of perceptual attunement to the ambient language (Aslin & Pisoni, 1980).
Using the headturn preference procedure six- and eight-month-old monolingual German-learning infants were tested on their discrimination of two different prosodic groupings of the same list of coordinated names either with or without an internal IPB after the second name, that is, [Moni und Lilli] [und Manu] or [Moni und Lilli und Manu]. The boundary marking was systematically varied with respect to single prosodic cues or specific cue combinations.
Results revealed that six- and eight-month-old German-learning infants successfully detect the internal prosodic boundary when it is signaled by all the three main boundary cues pitch change, final lengthening, and pause. For eight-, but not for six-month-olds, the combination of pitch change and final lengthening, without the occurrence of a pause, is sufficient. This mirrors an adult-like perception by eight-months (Holzgrefe-Lang et al., 2016). Six-month-olds detect a prosodic phrase boundary signaled by final lengthening and pause. The findings suggest a developmental change in German prosodic boundary cue perception from a strong reliance on the pause cue at six months to a differentiated sensitivity to the more subtle cues pitch change and final lengthening at eight months. Neither for six- nor for eight-month-olds the occurrence of pitch change or final lengthening as single cues is sufficient, similar to what has been observed for adult speakers of German (Holzgrefe-Lang et al., 2016).
The present dissertation provides new scientific knowledge on infants’ sensitivity to individual prosodic phrase boundary cues in the first year of life. Methodologically, the studies are pathbreaking since they used exactly the same stimulus materials – phonologically thoroughly controlled lists of names – that have also been used with adults (Holzgrefe-Lang et al., 2016) and with infants in a neurophysiological paradigm (Holzgrefe-Lang, Wellmann, Höhle, & Wartenburger, 2018), allowing for comparisons across age (six/ eight months and adults) and method (behavioral vs. neurophysiological methods). Moreover, materials are suited to be transferred to other languages allowing for a crosslinguistic comparison. Taken together with a study with similar French materials (van Ommen et al., 2020) the observed change in sensitivity in German-learning infants can be interpreted as a language-specific one, from an initial language-general processing mechanism that primarily focuses on the presence of pauses to a language-specific processing that takes into account prosodic properties available in the ambient language. The developmental pattern is discussed as an interplay of acoustic salience, prosodic typology (prosodic regularity) and cue reliability.
Die vorgelegte Dissertation befasst sich mit der frühen Wortsegmentierung im monolingualen und bilingualen Spracherwerb. Die Wortsegmentierung stellt eine der wesentlichen Herausforderungen für Säuglinge im Spracherwerb dar, da gesprochene Sprache kontinuierlich ist und Wortgrenzen nicht zuverlässig durch akustische Pausen markiert werden. Zahlreiche Studien konnten für mehrere Sprachen zeigen, dass sich Segmentierungsfähigkeiten von monolingualen Säuglingen zwischen dem 6. und 12. Lebensmonat herausbilden (z. B. Englisch: Jusczyk, Houston & Newsome, 1999; Französisch: Nazzi, Mersad, Sundara, Iakimova & Polka, 2014; Deutsch: Höhle & Weissenborn, 2003; Bartels, Darcy & Höhle, 2009). Frühe Wortsegmentierungsfähigkeiten sind sprachspezifisch (Polka & Sundara, 2012). Crosslinguistische Studien zeigten, dass eine sprachübergreifende Segmentierung für einsprachig aufwachsende Säuglinge nur erfolgreich bewältigt wird, wenn die nicht-native Sprache rhythmische Eigenschaften mit ihrer Muttersprache teilt (Houston, Jusczyk, Kuijpers, Coolen & Cutler, 2000; Höhle, 2002; Polka & Sundara, 2012).
In vier Studien dieser Dissertation wurden mit behavioralen (Headturn Preference Paradigma) und elektrophysiologischen Untersuchungen (Elektroenzephalografie) monolingual Deutsch aufwachsende und bilingual Deutsch-Französisch aufwachsende Säuglinge im Alter von 9 Monaten untersucht. Dabei wurde der Frage nachgegangen, ob monolingual Deutsch aufwachsende Säuglinge im Alter von 9 Monaten in der Lage sind, ihre Muttersprache Deutsch und die rhythmisch unähnliche Sprache Französisch zu segmentieren. Mit anderen Worten: Können monolinguale Säuglinge im Alter von 9 Monaten ihre Segmentierungsprozeduren modifizieren bzw. von ihrer bevorzugten Segmentierung abweichen, um auch nicht-muttersprachlichen Input erfolgreich zu segmentieren?
Bezogen auf die bilingualen Sprachlerner wurde der Frage nachgegangen, ob zweisprachig aufwachsende Säuglinge vergleichbare Segmentierungsfähigkeiten wie monolingual aufwachsende Säuglinge aufweisen und ob sich zudem ein Einfluss der Sprachdominanz auf die Entwicklung der Wortsegmentierungsfähigkeiten in einer bilingualen Population zeigt.
Durch die gewählten Methoden konnten sowohl Verhaltenskorrelate als auch elektrophysiologische Korrelate zur Beantwortung der Fragestellungen herangezogen werden. Darüber hinaus ermöglichte das EEG durch ereigniskorrelierte Potenziale (EKPs) einen Einblick in Lern- und Verarbeitungsprozesse, die mit Verhaltensmethoden nicht erfassbar waren.
Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass monolingual Deutsch aufwachsende Säuglinge im Alter von 9 Monaten sowohl ihre Muttersprache als auch die nicht-native Sprache Französisch erfolgreich segmentieren. Die Fähigkeit zur Segmentierung der nicht-nativen Sprache Französisch wird jedoch beeinflusst von der Muttersprache: monolinguale Säuglinge, die mit Französisch zuerst getestet wurden, segmentierten sowohl das Französische als auch das im Anschluss präsentierte deutsche Sprachmaterial. Monolinguale Säuglinge die zuerst mit Deutsch und anschließend mit Französisch getestet wurden, segmentierten die deutschen Stimuli, jedoch nicht das französische Sprachmaterial.
Bilingual Deutsch-Französisch aufwachsende Säuglinge segmentieren im Alter von 9 Monaten beide Muttersprachen erfolgreich. Die Ergebnisse deuten zudem auf einen Einfluss der Sprachdominanz auf die Wortsegmentierungsfähigkeiten von zweisprachig aufwachsenden Säuglingen. Die balancierten Bilingualen segmentieren beide Muttersprachen erfolgreich, die unbalancierten Bilingualen zeigen nur für die jeweils dominante Sprache eine erfolgreiche Segmentierung.
Zusammenfassend liefert diese Arbeit erstmals Evidenz für eine erfolgreiche sprachübergreifende Segmentierung in prosodisch differenten Sprachen unterschiedlicher Rhythmusklassen in einer monolingualen Population. Darüber hinaus liefern die Studien dieser Arbeit Evidenz dafür, dass bilingual aufwachsende Säuglinge bezogen auf die Wortsegmentierungsfähigkeiten eine vergleichbare Entwicklung wie einsprachig aufwachsende Sprachlerner zeigen. Dieses Ergebnis erweitert die Datenlage bisheriger Studien, die für verschiedene Entwicklungsschritte im Spracherwerb keine Verzögerung, sondern eine zu monolingual aufwachsenden Säuglingen vergleichbare Entwicklung innerhalb einer bilingualen Population nachweisen konnten (Sprachdiskrimination: Byers-Heinlein, Burns & Werker, 2010; Bosch & Sebastian-Galles, 1997; Phonemdiskrimination: Albareda-Castellot, Pons & Sebastián-Gallés, 2011; Wahrnehmung rhythmischer Eigenschaften: Bijeljac-Babic, Höhle & Nazzi, 2016).
The received wisdom is that word-order alternations in Slavic languages arise as a direct consequence of word-order-related information-structure constraints such as ‘Place given expressions before new ones’. In this article, we compare the word-order hypothesis with a competing one, according to which word-order alternations arise as a consequence of a prosodic constraint: ‘Avoid stress on given expressions’. Based on novel experimental and modeling data, we conclude that the prosodic hypothesis is more adequate than the word-order hypothesis. Yet we also show that combining the strengths of both hypotheses provides the best fit for the data. Methodologically, our article is based on gradient acceptability judgments and multiple regression, which allows us to evaluate whether violations of generalizations like ‘Given precedes new’ or ‘Given lacks stress’ lead to a consistent decrease in acceptability and to quantify the size of their respective effects. Focusing on the empirical adequacy of such generalizations rather than on specific theoretical implementations also makes it possible to bridge the gap between different linguistic traditions and to directly compare predictions emerging from formal and functional approaches.
The role of givenness, presupposition, and prosody in Czech word order: An experimental study
(2015)
New evidence is provided for a grammatical principle that singles out contrastive focus (Rooth 1996; Truckenbrodt 1995) and distinguishes it from discourse-new “informational” focus. Since the prosody of discourse-given constituents may also be distinguished from discourse-new, a three-way distinction in representation is motivated. It is assumed that an F-feature marks just contrastive focus (Jackendoff 1972, Rooth 1992), and that a G-feature marks discoursegiven constituents (Féry and Samek-Lodovici 2006), while discoursenew is unmarked. A crucial argument for G-marking comes from second occurrence focus (SOF) prosody, which arguably derives from a syntactic representation where SOF is both F-marked and G-marked. This analysis relies on a new G-Marking Condition specifying that a contrastive focus may be G-marked only if the focus semantic value of its scope is discourse-given, i.e. only if the contrast itself is given.
In a production experiment and two follow-up perception experiments on read German we investigated the (de-)coding of discourse-new, inferentially and textually accessible and given discourse referents by prosodic means. Results reveal that a decrease in the referent’s level of givenness is reflected by an increase in its prosodic prominence (expressed by differences in the status and type of accent used) providing evidence for the relevance of different intermediate types of information status between the poles given and new. Furthermore, perception data indicate that the degree of prosodic prominence can serve as the decisive cue for decoding a referent’s level of givenness.
There is evidence that infants start extracting words from fluent speech around 7.5 months of age (e.g., Jusczyk & Aslin, 1995) and that they use at least two mechanisms to segment words forms from fluent speech: prosodic information (e.g., Jusczyk, Cutler & Redanz, 1993) and statistical information (e.g., Saffran, Aslin & Newport, 1996). However, how these two mechanisms interact and whether they change during development is still not fully understood.
The main aim of the present work is to understand in what way different cues to word segmentation are exploited by infants when learning the language in their environment, as well as to explore whether this ability is related to later language skills. In Chapter 3 we pursued to determine the reliability of the method used in most of the experiments in the present thesis (the Headturn Preference Procedure), as well as to examine correlations and individual differences between infants’ performance and later language outcomes. In Chapter 4 we investigated how German-speaking adults weigh statistical and prosodic information for word segmentation. We familiarized adults with an auditory string in which statistical and prosodic information indicated different word boundaries and obtained both behavioral and pupillometry responses. Then, we conducted further experiments to understand in what way different cues to word segmentation are exploited by 9-month-old German-learning infants (Chapter 5) and by 6-month-old German-learning infants (Chapter 6). In addition, we conducted follow-up questionnaires with the infants and obtained language outcomes at later stages of development.
Our findings from this thesis revealed that (1) German-speaking adults show a strong weight of prosodic cues, at least for the materials used in this study and that (2) German-learning infants weight these two kind of cues differently depending on age and/or language experience. We observed that, unlike English-learning infants, 6-month-old infants relied more strongly on prosodic cues. Nine-month-olds do not show any preference for either of the cues in the word segmentation task. From the present results it remains unclear whether the ability to use prosodic cues to word segmentation relates to later language vocabulary. We speculate that prosody provides infants with their first window into the specific acoustic regularities in the signal, which enables them to master the specific stress pattern of German rapidly. Our findings are a step forwards in the understanding of an early impact of the native prosody compared to statistical learning in early word segmentation.
Since the 1960ies, Germany has been host to a large Turkish immigrant community. While migrant communities often shift to the majority language over the course of time, Turkish is a very vital minority language in Germany and bilingualism in this community is an obvious fact which has been subject to several studies. The main focus usually is on German, the second language (L2) of these speakers (e.g. Hinnenkamp 2000, Keim 2001, Auer 2003, Cindark & Aslan (2004), Kern & Selting 2006, Selting 2009, Kern 2013). Research on the Turkish spoken by Turkish bilinguals has also attracted attention although to a lesser extend mainly in the framework of so called heritage language research (cf. Polinski 2011). Bilingual Turkish has been investigated under the perspective of code-switching and codemixing (e.g. Kallmeyer & Keim 2003, Keim 2003, 2004, Keim & Cindark 2003, Hinnenkamp 2003, 2005, 2008, Dirim & Auer 2004), and with respect to changes in the morphologic, the syntactic and the orthographic system (e.g. Rehbein & Karakoç 2004, Schroeder 2007). Attention to the changes in the prosodic system of bilingual Turkish on the other side has been exceptional so far (Queen 2001, 2006).
With the present dissertation, I provide a study on contact induced linguistic changes on the prosodic level in the Turkish heritage language of adult early German-Turkish bilinguals. It describes structural changes in the L1 Turkish intonation of yes/no questions of a representative sample of bilingual Turkish speakers. All speakers share a similar sociolinguistic background. All acquired Turkish as their first language from their families and the majority language German as an early L2 at latest in the kinder garden by the age of 3.
A study of changes in bilingual varieties requires a previous cross-linguistic comparison of both of the involved languages in language contact in order to draw conclusions on the contact-induced language change in delimitation to language-internal development.
While German is one of the best investigated languages with respect to its prosodic system, research on Turkish intonational phonology is not as progressed. To this effect, the analysis of bilingual Turkish, as elicited for the present dissertation, is preceded by an experimental study on monolingual Turkish. In this regard an additional experiment with 11 monolingual university students of non-linguistic subjects was conducted at the Ege University in Izmir in 2013. On these grounds the present dissertation additionally contributes new insights with respect to Turkish intonational phonology and typology. The results of the contrastive analysis of German and Turkish bring to light that the prosodic systems of both languages differ with respect to the use of prosodic cues in the marking of information structure (IS) and sentence type. Whereas German distinguishes in the prosodic marking between explicit categories for focus and givenness, Turkish uses only one prosodic cue to mark IS. Furthermore it is shown that Turkish in contrast to German does not use a prosodic correlate to mark yes/no questions, but a morphological question marker.
To elicit Turkish yes/no questions in a bilingual context which differ with respect to their information structure in a further step the methodology of Xu (1999) to elicit in-situ focus on different constituents was adapted in the experimental study. A data set of 400 Turkish yes/no questions of 20 bilingual Turkish speakers was compiled at the Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS) in Berlin and at the University of Potsdam in 2013. The prosodic structure of the yes/no questions was phonologically and phonetically analyzed with respect to changes in the f0 contour according to IS modifications and the use of prosodic cues to indicate sentence type.
The results of the analyses contribute surprising observations to the research of bilingual prosody. Studies on bilingual language change and language acquisition have repeatedly shown that the use of prosodic features that are considered as marked by means of lower and implicational use across and within a language cause difficulties in language contact and second language acquisition. Especially, they are not expected to pass from one language to another through language contact. However, this structurally determined expectation on language development is refuted by the results of the present study. Functionally related prosody, such as the cues to indicate IS, are transferred from German L2 to the Turkish L1 of German-Turkish bilingual speakers. This astonishing observation provides the base for an approach to language change centered on functional motivation. Based on Matras’ (2007, 2010) assumption of functionality in language change, Paradis’ (1993, 2004, 2008) approach of Language Activation and the Subsystem Theory and the Theory of Language as a Dynamic System (Heredina & Jessner 2002), it will be shown that prosodic features which are absent in one of the languages of bilingual speech communities are transferred from the respective language to the other when they contribute to the contextualization of a pragmatic concept which is not expressed by other linguistic means in the target language. To this effect language interaction is based on language activation and inhibition mechanisms dealing with differences in the implicit pragmatic knowledge between bilinguals and monolinguals. The motivator for this process of language change is the contextualization of the message itself and not the structure of the respective feature on the surface. It is shown that structural consideration may influence language change but that bilingual language change does not depend on structural restrictions nor does the structure cause a change. The conclusions drawn on the basis of empirical facts can especially contribute to a better understanding of the processes of bilingual language development as it combines methodologies and theoretical aspects of different linguistic subfields.