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It has been highlighted many times how difficult it is to draw a boundary between gift and bribe, and how the same transfer can be interpreted in different ways according to the position of the observer and the narrative frame into which it is inserted. This also applied of course to Ancient Rome; in both the Republic and Principate lawgivers tried to define the limits of acceptable transfers and thus also to identify what we might call ‘corruption’. Yet, such definitions remained to a large extent blurred, and what was constructed was mostly a ‘code of conduct’, allowing Roman politicians to perform their own ‘honesty’ in public duty – while being aware at all times that their involvement in different kinds of transfer might be used by their opponents against them and presented as a case of ‘corrupt’ behaviour.
El artículo analiza la corrupción como un fenómeno complejo y con frecuencia ambiguo, relacionado con comportamientos y mentalidades individuales y colectivas, que son percibidos como ilegítimos o inmorales y, por lo tanto, desviados de normas establecidas. Más allá de un acercamiento reduccionista u objetivista a lugares comunes de la corrupción política, o a delitos tipificados por la ley, esta contribución pretende destacar la relevancia del análisis histórico del discurso en el estudio del tema. Este enfoque nos permite reconstruir contextos en los que se identifica la corrupción, así como analizar relatos, no siempre unánimes, sobre estas prácticas. El trabajo se adentra en una época lejana, pero a la vez cercana a nuestro tiempo, el último siglo la República romana. La evidencia nos permite evaluar críticamente aspectos fundamentales de la construcción retórica de la corrupción y de sus zonas grises, como la distinción, a menudo borrosa, entre regalo y soborno.
Captive Red Army soldiers made up the majority of victims of Nazi Germany’s starvation policy against Soviet civilians and other non-combatants and thus constituted the largest single victim group of the German war of annihilation against the Soviet Union. Indeed, Soviet prisoners of war were the largest victim group of all National Socialist annihilation policies after the European Jews. Before the launch of Operation Barbarossa, it was clear to the Wehrmacht planning departments on exactly what scale they could expect to capture Soviet troops. Yet, they neglected to make the necessary preparations for feeding and sheltering the captured soldiers, who were viewed by the economic staffs and the military leadership alike as direct competitors of German troops and the German home front for precious food supplies. The number of extra mouths to feed was incompatible with German war aims. The obvious limitations on their freedom of movement and the relative ease with which large numbers could be segregated and their rations controlled were crucial factors in the death of over 3 million Soviet POWs, the vast majority directly or indirectly as a result of deliberate policies of neglect, undernourishment, and starvation while in the ‘care’ of the Wehrmacht. The most reliable figures for the mortality of Soviet POWs in German captivity reveal that up to 3.3 million died from a total of just over 5.7 million captured between June 1941 and February 1945 — a proportion of almost 58 percent. Of these, 2 million were already dead by the beginning of February 1942. In English, there is still neither a single monograph nor a single edited volume dedicated to the subject. This article now provides the first detailed stand-alone synthesis in that language addressing the whole period from 1941 to 1945.