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The ten-years presidency of Alberto Fujimori in Peru is a classic example of the sort of hybrid democracy that emerged in various Latin American countries in the 1990s, combining a mixture of democratic and clearly non-democratic elements. Fujimori was one of the more autocratic Latin American leaders of the 1990s, he is being the only regime formally to break with pre-existing constitutional rules. Closely tied to the military and intelligence apparatus, his government involved a concentration of political power that reduced the scope and autonomy of other branches of the state. But, unlike previous Latin American military dictatorships, Fujimori’s government enjoyed a considerable popularity, born out of disaffection for representative institutions. The article argues, however, that these characteristics of apparent strength carried within them the seeds of their own destruction. Far from establishing lasting political stability, the regime was weakly based. Within six weeks of his inauguration for a third term in July 2000, Fujimori was obliged to announce his intention to withdraw from politics. Two months later, he was ousted altogether.
After the democratic euphoria of the early 1990s, today the "third wave of democratization" seems to be less a triumph of political liberalism and much more a success story of a "defective" form of democracy. The authors argue that none of the strategies which can be found in contemporary democratization studies is satisfactory. They offer an alternative two-step-strategy of (1) specifying the root concept of democracy and (2) building subtypes of democracy which are based on this specified root concept. In doing so, the authors conceptualize the model of embedded democracy, from which they generate the concept of "defective democracy" and present a typology of these "defective democracies".
The end of the Cold War opened a window for a new era in world security. Instead of rising to this extraordinary occasion, the United States has adopted a regressive Great Power approach to military security. Rather than promote 'win-win' solutions for peace, security, disarmament, and democracy, it treats international security as a 'zero-sum' game. This article discusses examples in the areas of military spending, military research and development, and arms production and export. It also looks at US policy regarding the use of force, including the role of the United Nations, military intervention in other nations, military alliances, and multilateral military action. In conclusion, the article comments on whether we can expect more constructive action under a new administration and congress.
According to the author, chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee in the German parliament (Bundestag), German foreign policy is based on a strong parliamentary consensus: continuing as a Western European country, co-operating with our partners in the European Union and the NATO, acting as a responsible member of UN and OSCE. Germany firmly stands up to these basic decisions, also today in a changed world, concentrating on reaching two major goals: building up a new security architecture for Europe as a whole and reuniting Europe by enlarging the European Union. Moderate and co-operate in style, Germany will continue to be a reliable partner, willing and ready to accept even more responsibilities in Europe and beyond Europe.
The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.
Inhalt: 1. Teil: Fragestellung und Forschungsstand I. Problemstellung und Fragestellung dieser Untersuchung II. Der Forschungsstand zum Verhältnis von Erwachsenenbildung und Lernen 2. Teil: Das Untersuchungskonzept III. Projektskizze zur empirischen Analyse betrieblichen Lernhandelns IV. Der heuristische Rahmen für die Rekonstruktion des Lernhandelns V. Das rekonstruktive Untersuchungsverfahren für die Analyse des Lernhandelns 3. Teil: Die Fallstudien – Darstellung und Interpretation der Ergebnisse VI. Das Lernumfeld: Analyse der betrieblichen Bedeutungskonstellationen VII. Die Rekonstruktion des Lernhandelns der Frau Claus VIII. Der Vergleich des Lernhandelns der Frau Claus mit dem Fall des Herrn Schnell entlang der Kategorie „subjektive Befindlichkeit“ IX. Der Vergleich des Lernhandelns der Frau Claus mit dem Fall der Frau Brause entlang der Kategorie „subjektive Befindlichkeit“ X. Selektives Kodieren – Formulierung des Theorieentwicklungsstandes zu Lern- und Bildungsprozessen in betrieblichen Modernisierungsprojekten 4. Teil: Reflexion des Untersuchungsverfahrens und Perspektiven einer subjektwissenschaftlichen Erwachsenenpädagogik XI. Kritische Reflexion des Untersuchungsverfahrens XII. Perspektiven einer subjektwissenschaftlichen Erwachsenenpädagogik
Es gibt aus unserer Sicht eine Reihe von Gründen, sich in der gewerkschaftlichen Bildungsarbeit von der Dominanz des Lehrplans abzuwenden und sich an Stelle dessen dem Lernenden in einer Weise zuzuwenden, die seine Deutungen, seine Handlungsmotive und seine Lerninteressen in den Vordergrund stellt. Für den Bildungspraktiker ergeben sich Gründe vor allem aus der wiederholten Erfahrung von Diskrepanzen. Erstens die Diskrepanzen, die zwischen der Definition von Lehrzielen und ihrem Erreichen in der Erwachsenenbildung bestehen. Zweitens die Diskrepanzen, die zwischen dem tatsächlich erlernten Wissen und seiner Umsetzung und Anwendung in der Praxis sich auftun. (aus dem Inhalt)
Aus dem Inhalt: Die Bildungskonzeption der Gewerkschaft Öffentliche Dienste, Transport und Verkehr (ÖTV) verweist darauf, 'die Bildungsarbeit ständig weiterzuentwickeln' und sie an veränderte gesellschaftliche und gewerkschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen anzupassen. Deshalb ist das Projekt 'Weiterentwicklung der zentralen Bildungsarbeit'im Frühjahr 1998 initiiert worden, das eine inhaltliche Debatte über Sinn und Zweck zentraler Bildungsarbeit vorantreiben will.
Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.
The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.