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Kann die Schule demokratisch sein? Wie kann in einer demokratischen Gesellschaft – d.h. in einer Gesellschaft, die sich vom modernen Staat Rechte in jahrhundertelangen Kämpfen erstritten hat – Bildung so organisiert werden, dass am Ende der Schulzeit die Schüler den Weg aus ihrer Unmündigkeit gefunden haben und somit tatsächlich zu demokratischen Bürgern geworden sind? Der Staat spielt hierbei als Bildungsträger in der Betrachtung dieser Frage eine entscheidende Rolle, denn er ist es, der Herrschaft ausübt, womit auch die Schule – als Institution des Staates – automatisch in den Prozess von Herrschaftsausübung miteinbezogen wird und ihr eine signifikante Rolle in der Erziehung und Formung künftiger Herrschaftsempfänger zukommt. Daher kann sich die Frage nach einer demokratischen Schule nicht auf Regeln des Miteinanders beschränken, sondern muss sich jenen komplexen Strukturen annehmen, in die die Schule eingebettet ist.
When researchers carry out a null hypothesis significance test, it is tempting to assume that a statistically significant result lowers Prob(H0), the probability of the null hypothesis being true. Technically, such a statement is meaningless for various reasons: e.g., the null hypothesis does not have a probability associated with it. However, it is possible to relax certain assumptions to compute the posterior probability Prob(H0) under repeated sampling. We show in a step-by-step guide that the intuitively appealing belief, that Prob(H0) is low when significant results have been obtained under repeated sampling, is in general incorrect and depends greatly on: (a) the prior probability of the null being true; (b) type-I error rate, (c) type-II error rate, and (d) replication of a result. Through step-by-step simulations using open-source code in the R System of Statistical Computing, we show that uncertainty about the null hypothesis being true often remains high despite a significant result. To help the reader develop intuitions about this common misconception, we provide a Shiny app (https://danielschad.shinyapps.io/probnull/). We expect that this tutorial will help researchers better understand and judge results from null hypothesis significance tests.
Why do exercises in collaborative governance often witness more impasse than advantage? This cumulative dissertation undertakes a micro-level analysis of collaborative governance to tackle this research puzzle. It situates micropolitics at the very center of analysis: a wide range of activities, interventions, and tactics used by actors – be they conveners, facilitators, or participants – to shape the collaborative exercise. It is by focusing on these daily minutiae, and on the consequences that they bring along, the study argues, that we can better understand why and how collaboration can become stuck or unproductive. To do so, the foundational part of this dissertation (Article 1) uses power as a sensitizing concept to investigate the micro-dynamics that shape collaboration. It develops an analytical approach to advance the study of collaborative governance at the empirical level under a power-sensitive and process-oriented perspective. The subsequent articles follow the dissertation's red thread of investigating the micropolitics of collaborative governance by showing facilitation artefacts' interrelatedness and contribution to the potential success or failure of collaborative arrangements (Article 2); and by examining the specialized knowledge, skills and practices mobilized when designing a collaborative process (Article 3). The work is based on an abductive research approach, tacking back and forth between empirical data and theory, and offers a repertoire of concepts – from analytical terms (designed and emerging interaction orders, flows of power, arenas for power), to facilitation practices (scripting, situating, and supervising) and types of knowledge (process expertise) – to illustrate and study the detailed and constant work (and rework) that surrounds collaborative arrangements. These concepts sharpen the way researchers can look at, observe, and understand collaborative processes at a micro level. The thesis thereby elucidates the subtleties of power, which may be overlooked if we focus only on outcomes rather than the processes that engender them, and supports efforts to identify potential sources of impasse.
This paper analyses the interaction of domestic political elites and external donors against the backdrop of Mozambique’s decentralisation process. The empirical research at national and local levels supports the hypothesis that informal power structures influence the dynamics of this interaction. Consequently, this contributes to an outcome of externally induced democratisation different to what was intended by external actors. The decentralisation process has been utilised by ruling domestic elites for political purposes. Donors have rather focused on the technical side and ignored this informal dimension. By analysing the diverging objectives and perceptions of external and internal actors, as well as the instrumentalisation of formal democratic structures, it becomes clear, that the ‘informal has to be seen as normal’. At a theoretical level, the analysis contributes to elite-oriented approaches of post-conflict democratisation by adding ‘the informal’ as an additional factor for the dynamics of external-internal interaction. At a policy level, external actors need to take more into account informal power structures and their ambivalence for state-building and democratisation.
Purpose
We quantified the acute and chronic effects of whole body vibration on athletic performance or its proxy measures in competitive and/or elite athletes.
Methods
Systematic literature review and meta-analysis.
Results
Whole body vibration combined with exercise had an overall 0.3 % acute effect on maximal voluntary leg force (−6.4 %, effect size = −0.43, 1 study), leg power (4.7 %, weighted mean effect size = 0.30, 6 studies), flexibility (4.6 %, effect size = −0.12 to 0.22, 2 studies), and athletic performance (−1.9 %, weighted mean effect size = 0.26, 6 studies) in 191 (103 male, 88 female) athletes representing eight sports (overall effect size = 0.28). Whole body vibration combined with exercise had an overall 10.2 % chronic effect on maximal voluntary leg force (14.6 %, weighted mean effect size = 0.44, 5 studies), leg power (10.7 %, weighted mean effect size = 0.42, 9 studies), flexibility (16.5 %, effect size = 0.57 to 0.61, 2 studies), and athletic performance (−1.2 %, weighted mean effect size = 0.45, 5 studies) in 437 (169 male, 268 female) athletes (overall effect size = 0.44).
Conclusions
Whole body vibration has small and inconsistent acute and chronic effects on athletic performance in competitive and/or elite athletes. These findings lead to the hypothesis that neuromuscular adaptive processes following whole body vibration are not specific enough to enhance athletic performance. Thus, other types of exercise programs (e.g., resistance training) are recommended if the goal is to improve athletic performance.
Balance training may have a preconditioning effect on subsequent power training with youth. There are no studies examining whether the sequencing of balance and plyometric training has additional training benefits. The objective was to examine the effect of sequencing balance and plyometric training on the performance of 12- to 13-year-old athletes. Twenty-four young elite soccer players trained twice per week for 8 weeks either with an initial 4 weeks of balance training followed by 4 weeks of plyometric training (BPT) or 4 weeks of plyometric training proceeded by 4 weeks of balance training (PBT). Testing was conducted pre- and posttraining and included medicine ball throw; horizontal and vertical jumps; reactive strength; leg stiffness; agility; 10-, 20-, and 30-m sprints; Standing Stork balance test; and Y-Balance test. Results indicated that BPT provided significantly greater improvements with reactive strength index, absolute and relative leg stiffness, triple hop test, and a trend for the Y-Balance test (p = 0.054) compared with PBT. Although all other measures had similar changes for both groups, the average relative improvement for the BPT was 22.4% (d = 1.5) vs. 15.0% (d = 1.1) for the PBT. BPT effect sizes were greater with 8 of 13 measures. In conclusion, although either sequence of BPT or PBT improved jumping, hopping, sprint acceleration, and Standing Stork and Y-Balance, BPT initiated greater training improvements in reactive strength index, absolute and relative leg stiffness, triple hop test, and the Y-Balance test. BPT may provide either similar or superior performance enhancements compared with PBT.
The article compares the postdemocracy with the postsocialism. At first the paper analyzes the debate of the postdemocracy and points out an analytical model of postdemocracy. Afterwards the paper searches for symptoms of the postdemocracy within the case of Russia which appears as one possible ideal type of postsocialism. The comparison shows that both post-phenomenons are two sides of one global process of transformation. However, the case of postsocialism acts as a trendsetter. The postsocialist Russia sets an example for the possible developments of the postdemocracy.
Background: Infection with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) affects muscle mass, altering independent activities of people living with HIV (PLWH). Resistance training alone (RT) or combined with aerobic exercise (AE) is linked to improved muscle mass and strength maintenance in PLWH. These exercise benefits have been the focus of different meta-analyses, although only a limited number of studies have been identified up to the year 2013/4. An up-to-date systematic review and meta-analysis concerning the effect of RT alone or combined with AE on strength parameters and hormones is of high value, since more and recent studies dealing with these types of exercise in PLWH have been published. Methods: Randomized controlled trials evaluating the effects of RT alone, AE alone or the combination of both (AERT) on PLWH was performed through five web-databases up to December 2017. Risk of bias and study quality was attained using the PEDro scale. Weighted mean difference (WMD) from baseline to post-intervention changes was calculated. The I2 statistics for heterogeneity was calculated. Results: Thirteen studies reported strength outcomes. Eight studies presented a low risk of bias. The overall change in upper body strength was 19.3 Kg (95% CI: 9.8±28.8, p< 0.001) after AERT and 17.5 Kg (95% CI: 16±19.1, p< 0.001) for RT. Lower body change was 29.4 Kg (95% CI: 18.1±40.8, p< 0.001) after RT and 10.2 Kg (95% CI: 6.7±13.8, p< 0.001) for AERT. Changes were higher after controlling for the risk of bias in upper and lower body strength and for supervised exercise in lower body strength. A significant change towards lower levels of IL-6 was found (-2.4 ng/dl (95% CI: -2.6, -2.1, p< 0.001). Conclusion: Both resistance training alone and combined with aerobic exercise showed a positive change when studies with low risk of bias and professional supervision were analyzed, improving upper and, more critically, lower body muscle strength. Also, this study found that exercise had a lowering effect on IL-6 levels in PLWH.
Background: Infection with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) affects muscle mass, altering independent activities of people living with HIV (PLWH). Resistance training alone (RT) or combined with aerobic exercise (AE) is linked to improved muscle mass and strength maintenance in PLWH. These exercise benefits have been the focus of different meta-analyses, although only a limited number of studies have been identified up to the year 2013/4. An up-to-date systematic review and meta-analysis concerning the effect of RT alone or combined with AE on strength parameters and hormones is of high value, since more and recent studies dealing with these types of exercise in PLWH have been published. Methods: Randomized controlled trials evaluating the effects of RT alone, AE alone or the combination of both (AERT) on PLWH was performed through five web-databases up to December 2017. Risk of bias and study quality was attained using the PEDro scale. Weighted mean difference (WMD) from baseline to post-intervention changes was calculated. The I2 statistics for heterogeneity was calculated. Results: Thirteen studies reported strength outcomes. Eight studies presented a low risk of bias. The overall change in upper body strength was 19.3 Kg (95% CI: 9.8±28.8, p< 0.001) after AERT and 17.5 Kg (95% CI: 16±19.1, p< 0.001) for RT. Lower body change was 29.4 Kg (95% CI: 18.1±40.8, p< 0.001) after RT and 10.2 Kg (95% CI: 6.7±13.8, p< 0.001) for AERT. Changes were higher after controlling for the risk of bias in upper and lower body strength and for supervised exercise in lower body strength. A significant change towards lower levels of IL-6 was found (-2.4 ng/dl (95% CI: -2.6, -2.1, p< 0.001). Conclusion: Both resistance training alone and combined with aerobic exercise showed a positive change when studies with low risk of bias and professional supervision were analyzed, improving upper and, more critically, lower body muscle strength. Also, this study found that exercise had a lowering effect on IL-6 levels in PLWH.
The organisation of legislative chambers and the consequences of parliamentary procedures have been among the most prominent research questions in legislative studies. Even though democratic elections not only lead to the formation of a government but also result in an opposition, the literature has mostly neglected oppositions and their role in legislative chambers. This paper proposes to fill this gap by looking at the legislative organisation from the perspective of opposition players. The paper focuses on the potential influence of opposition players in the policy-making process and presents data on more than 50 legislative chambers. The paper shows considerable variance of the formal power granted to opposition players. Furthermore, the degree of institutionalisation of opposition rights is connected to electoral systems and not necessarily correlated with other institutional characteristics such as regime type or the size of legislative chambers.