Refine
Document Type
- Article (10)
- Other (5)
- Part of a Book (2)
- Postprint (2)
- Monograph/Edited Volume (1)
Is part of the Bibliography
- yes (20) (remove)
Keywords
- anti-gender (3)
- discourse (3)
- Anti-Feminismus (2)
- Anti-Gender (2)
- Anti-LGBTQI* (2)
- Gender (2)
- Geschlechterkonstruktion (2)
- Geschlechtervielfalt (2)
- Hochschule (2)
- Institution (2)
- Mobilisierungsdynamiken (2)
- Neue Rechte (2)
- Organisationen (2)
- Personenstandsgesetz (2)
- Populismus (2)
- Sexualität (2)
- Soziale Bewegungen (2)
- Trans (2)
- United Nations (2)
- Universität (2)
- Wissenschaft (2)
- cis-Fragilität (2)
- counterterrorism (2)
- feminism (2)
- gender (2)
- inter (2)
- non-binär (2)
- Americas (1)
- Antifeminismus (1)
- Bedrohungsvorstellung (1)
- Chancengleichheit (1)
- Counterterrorism (1)
- Erde (1)
- Feminismus (1)
- Frauen (1)
- Frauenhass (1)
- Gewalt (1)
- Hanau (1)
- Incels (1)
- International Relations Theory (1)
- Isla Vista (1)
- Manosphere (1)
- Meinungsbildung (1)
- P/CVE (1)
- Rechtsextremismus (1)
- Rechtsterrorismus (1)
- Reddit (1)
- Russia and Eurasia (1)
- Sexismus (1)
- South Asia (1)
- antifeminist (1)
- far right (1)
- featured (1)
- gender mainstreaming (1)
- gender research (1)
- incels (1)
- institutions (1)
- male supremacy (1)
- manosphere (1)
- men's rights (1)
- misogyny (1)
- politics (1)
- politische Einstellung (1)
- politische Kultur (1)
- radicalization (1)
- science & technology (1)
- security–development nexus (1)
- terrorism (1)
- triple nexus (1)
Institute
„Gender-Ideologie“ und „Gender-Wahn“– diese Begriffe entstammen einem antifeministischen Diskurs, der ohne Bedrohungsszenarien nicht funktioniert. Feministische Errungenschaften – wie die Ehe für alle – werden zur Ursache persönlicher Nachteile umgedeutet. Seine Vertreter*innen verbreiten ihre (oft gewaltvollen) Narrative sowohl auf der Straße als auch im Internet. Antifeministische Bewegungen weisen zudem vielfältige Querverbindungen mit konservativen, nationalistischen, fundamentalreligiösen und faschistischen Diskursen auf.
Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as “the pattern of practice that allowed men’s dominance over women to continue.” Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men’s Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they “repudiat[e] and reif[y]” hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.
Gender at the crossroads
(2021)
Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN’s three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a “cross-cutting” theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN’s counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or “triple nexus”, from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities’ counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.
In recent years, there have been a growing number of online and offline attacks linked to a loosely connected network of misogynist and antifeminist online communities called ‘the manosphere’. Since 2016, the ideas spread among and by groups of the manosphere have also become more closely aligned with those of other Far-Right online networks. In this commentary, I explore the role of what I term ‘evidence-based misogyny’ for mobilization and radicalization into the antifeminist and misogynist subcultures of the manosphere. Evidence-based misogyny is a discursive strategy, whereby members of the manosphere refer to (and misinterpret) knowledge in the form of statistics, studies, news items and pop-culture and mimic accepted methods of knowledge presentation to support their essentializing, polarizing views about gender relations in society. Evidence-based misogyny is a core aspect for manosphere-related mobilization as it provides a false sense of authority and forges a collective identity, which is framed as a supposed ‘alternative’ to mainstream gender knowledge. Due to its core function to justify and confirm the misogynist sentiments of users, evidence-based misogyny serves as connector between the manosphere and both mainstream conservative as well as other Far-Right and conspiratorial discourses.
Gender at the crossroads
(2023)
Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN’s three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a “cross-cutting” theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN’s counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or “triple nexus”, from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities’ counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.
The politics of fear
(2022)
From victims to activists
(2022)
Frauenfeind, aber kein Incel
(2020)
Der Attentater von Hanau war, das verrät sein Manifest, ein Frauenfeind – aber kein Incel. Warum die Einschätzung als Incel bequem und gefährlich ist, erläutert dieser Gastbeitrag der Wissenschaftlerinnen Megan Kelly, Ann-Kathrin Rothermel und Greta Jasser, Fellows am Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS).