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Gender-inclusive language has evolved into a much-debated topic during the past years, discussed interdisciplinarily from theoretical to psycholinguistics, sociology, and economy – and by anyone who uses language.
Studies on German that primarily relied on questionnaires (reviewed in Braun et al. 2005), cloze tests (Klein 1988), and categorisation tasks with picture matching (Irmen & Köhncke 1996) disqualify the generically used masculine forms as pseudo-generic – failing their grammatically prescribed function to include referents of any Gender. Gender-balanced expressions (pair and split forms like Lehrer und Lehrerinnen) make explicit reference to female presence and participation, and thus elevate a more equitable interpretation.
Online methods to investigate the processing of Gender-sensitive language are surprisingly rare among research on the phenomenon, except for reaction time measures (Irmen & Köhncke 1996, Irmen & Kaczmarek 2000) and eye-tracking in reading (Irmen & Schumann 2011).
In addition, Gender-neutral language (GNL) has not been focused on in the majority of experiments, and when it was among the stimuli, results were inconclusive (De Backer & De Cuypere 2012) or found such alternatives to be ineffective (resembling masculine generics, Braun et al. 2005), despite the fact that guidelines on non-discriminatory language use commonly recommend these.
Gender-neutral (GN) expressions for personal reference in German include
• nominalised participles; nominalisations in general: Interessierte, Lehrende
• collective singulars: Publikum, Kollegium
• compounds (e.g., with a notion of “-person”): Ansprechpersonen, Lehrkräfte
• paraphrases that background a (gendered) subject: e.g., passives, relatives
In a visual world eye-tracking study, the comprehension of plural generics using masculine nouns and GN forms was tested for roles and occupations.
In complex stimulus scenarios, reference had to be established to referent images presented on a screen. At the end of each item, a question was asked in order to (re)identify the image that matched the referents of the respective setting best. Images depicted 1) a single person (protagonist), 2) an all-female group, 3) an all-male group, 4) a mixed Gender group of female and male members. The group referents were introduced with either a) masculine nouns (die Lehrer), b) female-specific feminine nouns (die Lehrerinnen), or c) one of the upper three nominal GN variants (die Lehrkräfte).
Results confirm the frequent male bias in masculine forms that are used as generics, that is, their male-specific interpretation. Furthermore, stereotypicality of nouns had an impact on responses. The GN alternatives, which are generally known to aim for indefinite reference (“marked” for Gender-fair language) were found to be most qualified to elicit mixed Gender group interpretations. When reference was established with GN terms, an inclusive response was consistently elicited. This was both indicated by eye movements and response proportions, but to a different extent depending on the particular GN noun type. Concepts that abstract from Gender in their linguistic forms (“neutralising” it) appear to be more inclusive, and thus better candidates for generic reference than masculines.
In recent years, a substantial number of psycholinguistic studies and of studies on acquired language impairments have investigated the case of morphologically complex words. These have provided evidence for what is known as ‘morphological decomposition’, i.e. a mechanism that decomposes complex words into their constituent morphemes during online processing. This is believed to be a fundamental, possibly universal mechanism of morphological processing, operating irrespective of a word’s specific properties.
However, current accounts of morphological decomposition are mostly based on evidence from suffixed words and compound words, while prefixed words have been comparably neglected. At the same time, it has been consistently observed that, across languages, prefixed words are less widespread than suffixed words. This cross-linguistic preference for suffixing morphology has been claimed to be grounded in language processing and language learning mechanisms. This would predict differences in how prefixed words are processed and therefore also affected in language impairments, challenging the predictions of the major accounts of morphological decomposition.
Against this background, the present thesis aims at reducing the gap between the accounts of morphological decomposition and the accounts of the suffixing preference, by providing a thorough empirical investigation of prefixed words. Prefixed words are examined in three different domains: (i) visual word processing in native speakers; (ii) visual word processing in non-native speakers; (iii) acquired morphological impairments. The processing studies employ the masked priming paradigm, tapping into early stages of visual word recognition. Instead, the studies on morphological impairments investigate the errors produced in reading aloud tasks.
As for native processing, the present work first focuses on derivation (Publication I), specifically investigating whether German prefixed derived words, both lexically restricted (e.g. inaktiv ‘inactive’) and unrestricted (e.g. unsauber ‘unclean’) can be efficiently decomposed. I then present a second study (Publication II) on a Bantu language, Setswana, which offers the unique opportunity of testing inflectional prefixes, and directly comparing priming with prefixed inflected primes (e.g. dikgeleke ‘experts’) to priming with prefixed derived primes (e.g. bokgeleke ‘talent’). With regard to non-native processing (Publication I), the priming effects obtained from the lexically restricted and unrestricted prefixed derivations in native speakers are additionally compared to the priming effects obtained in a group of non-native speakers of German. Finally, in the two studies on acquired morphological impairments, the thesis investigates whether prefixed derived words yield different error patterns than suffixed derived words (Publication III and IV).
For native speakers, the results show evidence for morphological decomposition of both types of prefixed words, i.e. lexically unrestricted and restricted derivations, as well as of prefixed inflected words. Furthermore, non-native speakers are also found to efficiently decompose prefixed derived words, with parallel results to the group of native speakers. I therefore conclude that, for the early stages of visual word recognition, the relative position of stem and affix in prefixed versus suffixed words does not affect how efficiently complex words are decomposed, either in native or in non-native processing. In the studies on acquired language impairments, instead, prefixes are consistently found to be more impaired than suffixes. This is explained in terms of a learnability disadvantage for prefixed words, which may cause weaker representations of the information encoded in affixes when these precede the stem (prefixes) as compared to when they follow it (suffixes). Based on the impairment profiles of the individual participants and on the nature of the task, this dissociation is assumed to emerge from later processing stages than those that are tapped into by masked priming. I therefore conclude that the different characteristics of prefixed and suffixed words do come into play at later processing stages, during which the lexical-semantic information contained in the different constituent morphemes is processed.
The findings presented in the four manuscripts significantly contribute to our current understanding of the mechanisms involved in processing prefixed words. Crucially, the thesis constrains the processing disadvantage for prefixed words to later processing stages, thereby suggesting that theories trying to establish links between language universals and processing mechanisms should more carefully consider the different stages involved in language processing and what factors are relevant for each specific stage.
Cleft exhaustivity
(2020)
In this dissertation a series of experimental studies are presented which demonstrate that the exhaustive inference of focus-background it-clefts in English and their cross-linguistic counterparts in Akan, French, and German is neither robust nor systematic. The inter-speaker and cross-linguistic variability is accounted for with a discourse-pragmatic approach to cleft exhaustivity, in which -- following Pollard & Yasavul 2016 -- the exhaustive inference is derived from an interaction with another layer of meaning, namely, the existence presupposition encoded in clefts.