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A decade into the proclaimed "global war on terror," states are still struggling with the phenomenon's locus and definition under the effective laws. Remarkably, preventive detention of suspected terrorists fluctuates between various legal regimes: In Europe, criminal law is predominantly used but special security orders are occasionally issued as well; Israel applies in part the law of international armed conflicts; and in the United States, detention under a new war premise has been claimed.
This Article analyzes the response of the U.S. Supreme Court, the Israeli Supreme Court, and the European Court of Human Rights to legislative and executive policies asserting the power of preventive detention in the aftermath of September 11, 2001. The comparison exposes significant differences with regard to the application of international law, and most prominently concerning the underlying question of whether the struggle against terrorism should be considered a "war," or, perhaps more traditionally, a fight against crime.
Despite the substantial discrepancies in these three jurisdictions, this Article argues that the similarities are actually more striking. Whereas no court has accepted any attempt to fight terrorism outside the bounds of law, the judges have not hesitated to stretch and blur the pertinent frameworks by extensive interpretation. Ultimately, it is questionable whether on account of the individual's rights the resulting flexibilities and uncertainties are justifiable.
"I don't know what you mean by 'glory'," Alice said. Humpty Dumpty smiled contemptuously. "Of course you don't till I tell you. I meant 'there's a nice knock-down argument for you!" "But 'glory' doesn't mean 'a nice knock-down argument" Alice objected. "When I use a word," Humpty Dumptysaid, in rather a scornful tone, "it means just what I choose it to mean - neither more nor less." "The question is," said Alice, "whether you can make words mean different things." "The question is," said Humpty Dumpty, "which is to be master that's all."
Previous studies on the electoral fortunes of extreme right parties (ERPs) have pointed to the importance of variables of party competition for the success - or failure - of ERPs. These studies vary greatly when it comes to describing the political opportunity structure of the extreme right. Apart from their methodological differences, existing studies differ especially with regard to the assumed underlying dimension of party competition. This article tests the impact of three frequently discussed variables in the political opportunity structure of ERPs (mainstream party convergence, position of the established right and party system polarisation) on the vote share of ERPs in Western Europe. In addition to examining previous studies in this field, it focuses on the interplay between the economic and the cultural dimensions as part of the political opportunity structure. The authors show that a decrease in polarisation with regard to economic questions is accompanied by a growing salience of ERPs' core issues, leading in the end to an increase in ERPs' vote share.
Ausbildung und Fortbildung
(2011)
Behemoth und Doppelstaat
(2011)
Wer bildete das Herrschaftszentrum im Deutschland der Jahre 1933 bis 1945? Welche Gruppen stabilisierten das System bis zur Niederlage im Zweiten Weltkrieg? Ernst Fraenkels "Der Doppelstaat" und Franz Neumanns "Behemoth" gelten als wegweisende analytische Zugänge zum Verständnis der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftspraxis. Beide Bücher sind bereits Anfang der 1940er Jahre erschienen. Es sind Klassiker: also Bücher, mit denen noch heute etwas anzufangen ist. Der kompakte Lehrtext ist insbesondere für den studentischen Haus- und Seminargebrauch verfasst worden. Er ist eine Handreichung für Einsteiger und Studierende aller Semester, die sich erstmals mit den schwierigen Texten beschäftigen
On the 20.01.1991 the Latvian people defended the Latvian political elite from the Soviet OMON troops in order to achieve independence. After this impressive sign of civil society the people fell asleep, the level of mobility and the satisfaction with the functioning of democracy therefore is rather weak. The referendum (2008), to gain the right to dissolve the Parliament by the people, initiated by the Trade Unions can be assessed as a sign that there is something on the move. This paper is trying to give an impression of the situation of the civil society in terms of participation in the decision- making process. Hereby the focus lays on NGOs: What is the legal base and which problems do they face. To learn more about the situation interviews were organized with representatives of NGOs from different sectors like community development; Social inclusion; advocating gender issues as well as environment and sustainable development. As a result of the research it can be said that the civil society made some steps forward but it is still struggling with a high level of corruption, lack of interested from the elite and the ordinary people and the insecure financial state.
Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters' demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations.
Das politische System Irans
(2011)
Seit über 30 Jahren hat die Islamische Republik Iran Bestand, doch noch immer dauern Debatten über die Einordnung des Regimes an. Handelt es sich bei dieser theokratischen Republik um ein autoritäres oder totalitäres System oder gar um einen neuartigen Regimetypus islamischer Prägung? In sechs Abschnitten wird hinter den Schleier der Islamischen Republik geblickt. Diese umfassen die Vereinbarkeit von Islam und Staat, die institutionelle Architektur des Systems, Räume politischer Teilhabe, Wirtschaft und Militär, Außenbeziehungen und Regionalmachtsanspruch, die grüne Revolte von 2009 sowie den aktuellen Machtkampf der Eliten. Dazu begeben sich deutsche und iranische Autoren unterschiedlicher Disziplinen auf die Spur eines scheinbar undurchsichtigen iranischen Herrschaftsmodells – das der velāyat-e faqih.