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Academics have been arguing about the political and social changes initiated by communication technologies for more than hundred years. Internet-politics does not have the potential to form a new digital culture of deliberation. The existing background of communication culture is a very important variable which has not been incorporated before. The author suggests five different concepts of politics based on the internet. The model of digital democracy provides a basis for exploring the interconnection between internetbased politics and change in political and communication culture. Digital democracy has the potential to make a difference in public deliberation; however, it needs concerned elites and prudent governance.
Rezensierte Literatur: Bieber, Christoph (2003): Das Internet als Präsentations- oder Repräsentationsraum. Kommunikation in politischen Online-Versammlungen, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg), S. 139-153. Gellner, Winand/Strohmeier, Gerd (Hrsg.) (2003): Repräsentation und Präsentation in der Mediengesellschaft, PIN-Jahrbuch 2003, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. Herzog, Roland/Hoffmann, Bert/Schulz, Markus (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Einleitung und Vergleichende Betrachtung, Band 1 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag Hoffmann, Bert (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Costa Rica, Band 2 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag. Mai, Manfred (2003): Das Parlament in der Mediengesellschaft. Parlamentarische Debatte oder Talk-Show, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg.), S. 13-27. Schaper-Rinkel, Petra (2003): Die europäische Informationsgesellschaft. Technologische und politische Integration in der europäischen Politik, Münster: Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot.
This article compares two theoretical concepts of international relations: the Soft-Powermodel by Joseph S. Nye and the Turbulence-model by James N. Rosenau. They are both trying to study the impact of the revolution in information- and communication-techniques. Although both concepts are far-reaching in their explanations there are questions in both concepts that remain unanswered. The author tries to cover these gaps by turning to the other model, respectively.
Der Beitrag untersucht erstens die Frage, in welcher Weise die sich konstruktivistisch begründende Ermöglichungsdidaktik die Seite des Lernenden im Bildungsprozess modelliert und welche Aspekte des ermöglichungsdidaktischen Modells in E-Learning-Konzepten aufgegriffen werden. Im Vergleich dazu wird zweitens ein Online-Projekt vorgestellt, das subjektive Lernhandlungen aus der Perspektive einer subjektwissenschaftlich begründeten Didaktik im virtuellen Raum zu verstehen und zu beraten versucht.
Die Autoren bieten Arbeitsmaterialien an, mit deren Hilfe Schülerinnen und Schüler ihren privaten Energieverbrauch und den damit verbundenen Kohlendioxidausstoß ermitteln können. Neben einem kostenlos herunterzuladenden Computerprogramm, welches die Erstellung einer Energiebilanz ermöglicht und die entsprechenden Daten für die Berechnung von CO2-Emissionen bietet, werden Hilfestellungen geboten, um folgenden Fragen nachzugehen: Wieviel CO2-Ausstoß ist mit der Nutzung einzelner Geräte, Fahrzeuge oder allgemein mit verschiedenen Lebensstilen verbunden? und Wie kann der Kohlendioxid-Ausstoß verringert werden?
Beginning with the year 2000, the political society of South Korea has undergone a development towards more transparency. The increasing emergence of civil organizations as well as their new-orientation favoured the development of an alternative “online-public” which tries to mediate between the public’s interests and the state. The influence of this online-public, who profits from the fast and various ways of communication via internet, is best shown by some successful examples of online-action in the economic and the political sector. This gives credence to Dick Morris’ postulated rise of the internet to be the “fifth power” of the state.
Editorial
(2005)
Net Divide
(2004)
The paper aims at considering characteristics from one field of contemporary visual studies that has for a long time been neglected in academic research: Pictorial signs on Social Network Sites (SNS) are an outstanding class of semiotic resources that is greatly shaped by processes of technological and collective sign production and distribution. A brief examination of the scholarly research on the pragmatics and semiotics of pictorial signs on SNS shows that the heterogeneity of visual signs is often neglected and that it mostly concentrates on one aspect of these pictorial signs: their technological production or their purpose for individual self-disclosure. The paper therefore considers the semiosis of pictorial signs on SNS in a holistic perspective as one the one hand produced by individual and collective meaning making as well as on the other hand a product of technological framing. It therefore develops a techno-semiotic pragmatic account that takes into consideration both processes. Starting from a prominent class of pictorial signs on SNS during Tunisian Revolution, the Tunisian Flag graphics, the paper than shows that communicative and social interaction functions on the graphic interface of SNS (‘like’-function, sharing and commenting option) are not only directly inscribed into the pictorial frame, but also greatly influence the reading of a pictorial sign. The location of images on the SNS’ interface has an impact on its meaning and on the social functions of a pictorial sign, as profile pictures are directly linked to the online identity of the user. Through technological sign processing, the polysemy of the image is reduced. We therefore consider the images on the one hand as individual self-narratives and on the other as instances of SNS’ visual culture that brings out dominant visual codes but also allows social and political movements to spread.
This article asks how the internet has been contributing to the trans-national networking of the radical right and whether the radical right has the capacity to act as a trans-national movement. Taking into account language difficulties, the ideological background of ultra- nationalism and internal disputes, the analysis shows that the radical right-wing transnational networking has hardly developed. Additionally, its internet users’ potential is too low to contribute to a stronger trans-national alignment. The obstacles remain despite improved technological possibilities. This is proven by empirical examples of virtual trans-national networks.