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A growing body of experimental syntactic research has revealed substantial variation in the magnitude of island effects, not only across languages but also across different grammatical constructions. Adopting a well-established experimental design, the present study examines island effects in Spanish using a speeded acceptability judgment task. To quantify variation across grammatical constructions, we tested extraction from four different types of structure (subjects, complex noun phrases, adjuncts and interrogative clauses). The results of Bayesian mixed effects modelling showed that the size of island effects varied between constructions, such that there was clear evidence of subject, adjunct and interrogative island effects, but not of complex noun phrase island effects. We also failed to find evidence that island effects were modulated by participants' working memory capacity as measured by an operation span task. To account for our results, we suggest that variability in island effects across constructions may be due to the interaction of syntactic, semantic-pragmatic and processing factors, which may affect island types differentially due to their idiosyncratic properties.
The present study aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion about the impact of discourse-linking deficits on the performance of individuals with aphasia by providing new data from a set of rarely investigated constructions: sentences in which a clitic pronoun coexists alongside with the full DP it agrees with. To do so, we use data of individuals with non-fluent aphasias who need to overcome the difficulties in direct object (accusative) clitic production. This results in overproduction of non-target clitic right dislocations (RDs) and clitic doubling (CD). Data from 15 individual’s native speakers of Spanish and Catalan are discussed. Data complement the results of previous investigations on discourse-linking effects in these languages, allowing the interpretation of results across constructions.
This paper is concerned with constructions that express probability and their interaction with the indicative and subjunctive mood, as well as with other contextual elements. In detail, the paper deals with the constructions [sin duda + indicative/subjunctive], [tal vez + indicative/subjunctive], [probablemente + indicative/subjunctive] and [posiblemente + indicative/subjunctive]. In their interaction with mood, the constructions are understood as different microconstructions. For example, [sin duda + indicative] and [sin duda + subjunctive] are seen as different microconstructions of the superordinate
mesoconstruction [modal construction (of probability) + verb]. In a qualitative analysis examples from the CREA, CORPES XXI, and CdE corpora are examined regarding the interaction of [expression of probability] + [mood]. Following the Principle of No Synonymy of Grammatical Forms, the analysis confirms that the use of mood additionally influences the expressed degree of probability of the constructions. For instance, while probablemente generally expresses a slightly higher probability than posiblemente, a fine-tuned analysis
shows that the expressed degrees of probability of [probablemente + subjunctive] and [posiblemente + indicative] are highly similar. This is also often confirmed by further contextual information. In summary, the paper shows that Cognitive Construction Grammar is
a very suitable background against which to investigate modal phenomena, as cognitive approaches generally deal with the ways in which language users conceptualize the world from their own point of view, and as expressions of modality, more precisely, probability,
are also closely related to speakers’ attitudes or perspectives.
Previous studies have shown that multilingual speakers are influenced by their native (L1) and non-native (L2) grammars when learning a new language. But, so far, these studies have mostly used untimed metalinguistic tasks. Here we examine whether multilinguals’ prior grammars also affect their sensitivity to morphosyntactic constraints during processing. We use speeded judgment and self-paced reading tasks to examine the comprehension of German possessive pronouns. To investigate whether native and non-native grammars differentially affect participants’ performance, we compare two groups of non-native German speakers with inverse L1–L2 distributions: a group with L1 Spanish – L2 English, and a group with L1 English – L2 Spanish. We show that the reading profiles of both groups are modulated by their L1 grammar, with L2 proficiency selectively affecting participants’ judgment accuracy but not their reading times. We propose that reading comprehension is mainly influenced by multilinguals’ native grammar, but that knowledge of an L2 grammar can further increase sensitivity to morphosyntactic violations in an additional language.
The present paper is concerned with the phenomenon of reporting on the speakers’ thinking when both the reporting and the reported clauses originate in one and the same speaker, i.e. the performative uses of the verbs sp. creer and pt. achar (‘think’). The data are retrieved from the CdE-NOW and CdP-NOW. Adopting both a quantitative and a qualitative perspective, I concentrate on reporting on thinking with and without the overt expression of the subject pronouns sp. yo and pt. eu. In doing so, the constructions (yo) creo (que) and (eu) acho (que) as well as parenthetic and right-peripheral creo yo and acho eu are studied. According to the corpus data and compared to other possible constructions with creo and acho, creo que and acho que represent the most frequent constructions if searching for the ‘node’ creo or acho, that is, if the non-use of the subject pronoun exceeds its explicit expression.
Objeto de esta investigación es el auge y caída de una legitimación teológica de la poesía que tuvo lugar en el virreinato del Perú entre fines del siglo XVI y la segunda mitad del siglo XVII. Su punto cúlmine está marcado por el surgimiento de una “Academia Antártica” en las primeras décadas del siglo XVII, mientras que su fin, se aprecia a fines del mismo siglo, cuando eruditos de las órdenes religiosas, especialmente Juan de Espinosa y Medrano en sus textos en defensa de la poesía y las ciencias, negaron a la poesía cualquier estatuto teológico, sirviéndose sin embargo de ella para escribir sus sermones y textos. A partir del auge y caída de esta legitimación teológica en el virreinato del Perú, este estudio muestra la existencia de dos movimientos que forman un quiasmo entre una teologización de la poesía y una poetización de la teología, en cuyo centro velado se encuentra en disputa el saber teórico y práctico de la poesía. Lo que está en disputa en este sentido no es la poesía, entendida como una cumbre de las bellas letras, sino la posesión legítima de un modo de lectura analógico y tipológico del orden del universo, fundado en las Sagradas Escrituras y en la historia de la salvación, y un modo poético para doctrinar a todos los miembros de la sociedad virreinal en concordancia con aquel modo de lectura.
The present study approaches the Spanish postposed constructions creo Ø and creo yo ‘[p], [I] think’ from a cognitive-constructionist perspective. It is argued that both constructions are to be distinguished from one another because creo Ø has a subjective function, while in creo yo, it is the intersubjective dimension that is particularly prominent. The present investigation takes both a qualitative and a quantitative perspective. With regard to the latter, the problem of quantitative representativity is addressed. The discussion posed the question of how empirical research can feed back into theory, more precisely, into the framework of Cognitive Construction Grammar. The data to be analyzed here are retrieved from the corpora Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual and Corpus del Español.
There is a wealth of evidence showing that increasing the distance between an argument and its head leads to more processing effort, namely, locality effects: these are usually associated with constraints in working memory (DLT: Gibson, 2000: activation-based model: Lewis and Vasishth, 2005). In SOV languages, however, the opposite effect has been found: antilocality (see discussion in Levy et al., 2013). Antilocality effects can be explained by the expectation based approach as proposed by Levy (2008) or by the activation-based model of sentence processing as proposed by Lewis and Vasishth (2005). We report an eye-tracking and a self-paced reading study with sentences in Spanish together with measures of individual differences to examine the distinction between expectation- and memory based accounts, and within memory-based accounts the further distinction between DLT and the activation-based model. The experiments show that (i) antilocality effects as predicted by the expectation account appear only for high-capacity readers; (ii) increasing dependency length by interposing material that modifies the head of the dependency (the verb) produces stronger facilitation than increasing dependency length with material that does not modify the head; this is in agreement with the activation-based model but not with the expectation account; and (iii) a possible outcome of memory load on low-capacity readers is the increase in regressive saccades (locality effects as predicted by memory-based accounts) or, surprisingly, a speedup in the self-paced reading task; the latter consistent with good-enough parsing (Ferreira et al., 2002). In sum, the study suggests that individual differences in working memory capacity play a role in dependency resolution, and that some of the aspects of dependency resolution can be best explained with the activation-based model together with a prediction component.
Previous studies have found that English speakers experience attraction effects when comprehending subject-verb agreement, showing eased processing of ungrammatical sentences that contain a syntactically unlicensed but number-matching noun. In four self-paced reading experiments we examine whether attraction effects also occur in Spanish, a language where agreement morphology is richer and functionally more significant. We find that despite having a richer morphology, Spanish speakers show reliable attraction effects in comprehension, and that these effects are strikingly similar to those previously found in English in their magnitude and distributional profile. Further, we use distributional analyses to argue that cue-based memory retrieval is used as an error-driven mechanism in comprehension. We suggest that cross-linguistic similarities in agreement attraction result from speakers deploying repair or error-driven mechanisms uniformly across languages. (C) 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.