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- sentence processing (3)
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- Biklausalität (1)
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This dissertation examines the integration of incongruent visual-scene and morphological-case information (“cues”) in building thematic-role representations of spoken relative clauses in German.
Addressing the mutual influence of visual and linguistic processing, the Coordinated Interplay Account (CIA) describes a mechanism in two steps supporting visuo-linguistic integration (Knoeferle & Crocker, 2006, Cog Sci). However, the outcomes and dynamics of integrating incongruent thematic-role representations from distinct sources have been investigated scarcely. Further, there is evidence that both second-language (L2) and older speakers may rely on non-syntactic cues relatively more than first-language (L1)/young speakers. Yet, the role of visual information for thematic-role comprehension has not been measured in L2 speakers, and only limitedly across the adult lifespan.
Thematically unambiguous canonically ordered (subject-extracted) and noncanonically ordered (object-extracted) spoken relative clauses in German (see 1a-b) were presented in isolation and alongside visual scenes conveying either the same (congruent) or the opposite (incongruent) thematic relations as the sentence did.
1 a Das ist der Koch, der die Braut verfolgt.
This is the.NOM cook who.NOM the.ACC bride follows
This is the cook who is following the bride.
b Das ist der Koch, den die Braut verfolgt.
This is the.NOM cook whom.ACC the.NOM bride follows
This is the cook whom the bride is following.
The relative contribution of each cue to thematic-role representations was assessed with agent identification. Accuracy and latency data were collected post-sentence from a sample of L1 and L2 speakers (Zona & Felser, 2023), and from a sample of L1 speakers from across the adult lifespan (Zona & Reifegerste, under review). In addition, the moment-by-moment dynamics of thematic-role assignment were investigated with mouse tracking in a young L1 sample (Zona, under review).
The following questions were addressed: (1) How do visual scenes influence thematic-role representations of canonical and noncanonical sentences? (2) How does reliance on visual-scene, case, and word-order cues vary in L1 and L2 speakers? (3) How does reliance on visual-scene, case, and word-order cues change across the lifespan?
The results showed reliable effects of incongruence of visually and linguistically conveyed thematic relations on thematic-role representations. Incongruent (vs. congruent) scenes yielded slower and less accurate responses to agent-identification probes presented post-sentence. The recently inspected agent was considered as the most likely agent ~300ms after trial onset, and the convergence of visual scenes and word order enabled comprehenders to assign thematic roles predictively.
L2 (vs. L1) participants relied more on word order overall. In response to noncanonical clauses presented with incongruent visual scenes, sensitivity to case predicted the size of incongruence effects better than L1-L2 grouping. These results suggest that the individual’s ability to exploit specific cues might predict their weighting.
Sensitivity to case was stable throughout the lifespan, while visual effects increased with increasing age and were modulated by individual interference-inhibition levels. Thus, age-related changes in comprehension may stem from stronger reliance on visually (vs. linguistically) conveyed meaning.
These patterns represent evidence for a recent-role preference – i.e., a tendency to re-assign visually conveyed thematic roles to the same referents in temporally coordinated utterances. The findings (i) extend the generalizability of CIA predictions across stimuli, tasks, populations, and measures of interest, (ii) contribute to specifying the outcomes and mechanisms of detecting and indexing incongruent representations within the CIA, and (iii) speak to current efforts to understand the sources of variability in sentence comprehension.
The present dissertation investigates changes in lingual coarticulation across childhood in German-speaking children from three to nine years of age and adults. Coarticulation refers to the mismatch between the abstract phonological units and their seemingly commingled realization in continuous speech. Being a process at the intersection of phonology and phonetics, addressing its changes across childhood allows for insights in speech motor as well as phonological developments. Because specific predictions for changes in coarticulation across childhood can be derived from existing speech production models, investigating children’s coarticulatory patterns can help us model human speech production.
While coarticulatory changes may shed light on some of the central questions of speech production development, previous studies on the topic were sparse and presented a puzzling picture of conflicting findings. One of the reasons for this lack is the difficulty in articulatory data acquisition in a young population. Within the research program this dissertation is embedded in, we accepted this challenge and successfully set up the hitherto largest corpus of articulatory data from children using ultrasound tongue imaging. In contrast to earlier studies, a high number of participants in tight age cohorts across a wide age range and a thoroughly controlled set of pseudowords allowed for statistically powerful investigations of a process known as variable and complicated to track.
The specific focus of my studies is on lingual vocalic coarticulation as measured in the horizontal position of the highest point of the tongue dorsum. Based on three studies on a) anticipatory coarticulation towards the left, b) carryover coarticulation towards the right side of the utterance, and c) anticipatory coarticulatory extent in repeated versus read aloud speech, I deduct the following main theses:
1. Maturing speech motor control is responsible for some developmental changes in coarticulation.
2. Coarticulation can be modeled as the coproduction of articulatory gestures.
3. The developmental change in coarticulation results from a decrease of vocalic activation width.
Èto-clefts are Russian focus constructions with the demonstrative pronoun èto ‘this’ at the beginning: “Èto Mark vyigral gonku” (“It was Mark who won the race”). They are often being compared with English it-clefts, German es-clefts, as well as the corresponding focus-background structures in other languages.
In terms of semantics, èto-clefts have two important properties which are cross-linguistically typical for clefts: existence presupposition (“Someone won the race”) and exhaustivity (“Nobody except Mark won the race”). However, the exhaustivity effects are not as strong as exhaustivity effects in structures with the exclusive only and require more research.
At the same time, the question if the syntactic structure of èto-clefts matches the biclausal structure of English and German clefts, remains open. There are arguments in favor of biclausality, as well as monoclausality. Besides, there is no consistency regarding the status of èto itself.
Finally, the information structure of èto-clefts has remained underexplored in the existing literature.
This research investigates the information-structural, syntactic, and semantic properties of Russian clefts, both theoretically (supported by examples from Russian text corpora and judgments from native speakers) and experimentally. It is determined which desired changes in the information structure motivate native speakers to choose an èto-cleft and not the canonical structure or other focus realization tools. Novel syntactic tests are conducted to find evidence for bi-/monoclausality of èto-clefts, as well as for base-generation or movement of the cleft pivot. It is hypothesized that èto has a certain important function in clefts, and its status is investigated. Finally, new experiments on the nature of exhaustivity in èto-clefts are conducted. They allow for direct cross-linguistic comparison, using an incremental-information paradigm with truth-value judgments.
In terms of information structure, this research makes a new proposal that presents èto-clefts as structures with an inherent focus-background bipartitioning. Even though èto-clefts are used in typical focus contexts, evidence was found that èto-clefts (as well as Russian thetic clefts) allow for both new information focus and contrastive focus. Èto-clefts are pragmatically acceptable when a singleton answer to the implied question is expected (e.g. “It was Mark who won the race” but not “It was Mark who came to the party”). Importantly, èto in Russian clefts is neither dummy, nor redundant, but is a topic expression; conveys familiarity which triggers existence presupposition; refers to an instantiated event, or a known/perceivable situation; finally, èto plays an important role in the spoken language as a tool for speech coherency and a focus marker.
In terms of syntax, this research makes a new monoclausal proposal and shows evidence that the cleft pivot undergoes movement to the left peripheral position. Èto is proposed to be TopP.
Finally, in terms of semantics, a novel cross-linguistic evaluation of Russian clefts is made. Experiments show that the exhaustivity inference in èto-clefts is not robust. Participants used different strategies in resolving exhaustivity, falling into 2 groups: one group considered èto-clefts exhaustive, while another group considered them non-exhaustive. Hence, there is evidence for the pragmatic nature of exhaustivity in èto-clefts. The experimental results for èto-clefts are similar to the experimental results for clefts in German, French and Akan. It is concluded that speakers use different tools available in their languages to produce structures with similar interpretive properties.
It is a common finding that preschoolers have difficulties in identifying who is doing what to whom in non-canonical sentences, such as (object-verb-subject) OVS and passive sentences in German. This dissertation investigates how German monolingual and German-Italian simultaneous bilingual children process German OVS sentences in Study 1 and German passives in Study 2. Offline data (i.e., accuracy data) and online data (i.e., eye-gaze and pupillometry data) were analyzed to explore whether children can assign thematic roles during sentence comprehension and processing. Executive functions, language-internal and -external factors were investigated as potential predictors for children’s sentence comprehension and processing.
Throughout the literature, there are contradicting findings on the relation between language and executive functions. While some results show a bilingual cognitive advantage over monolingual speakers, others suggest there is no relationship between bilingualism and executive functions. If bilingual children possess more advanced executive function abilities than monolingual children, then this might also be reflected in a better performance on linguistic tasks. In the current studies monolingual and bilingual children were tested by means of two executive function tasks: the Flanker task and the task-switching paradigm. However, these findings showed no bilingual cognitive advantages and no better performance by bilingual children in the linguistic tasks. The performance was rather comparable between bilingual and monolingual children, or even better for the monolingual group. This may be due to cross-linguistic influences and language experience (i.e., language input and output). Italian was used because it does not syntactically overlap with the structure of German OVS sentences, and it only overlapped with one of the two types of sentence condition used for the passive study - considering the subject-(finite)verb alignment. The findings showed a better performance of bilingual children in the passive sentence structure that syntactically overlapped in the two languages, providing evidence for cross-linguistic influences.
Further factors for children’s sentence comprehension were considered. The parents’ education, the number of older siblings and language experience variables were derived from a language background questionnaire completed by parents. Scores of receptive vocabulary and grammar, visual and short-term memory and reasoning ability were measured by means of standardized tests. It was shown that higher German language experience by bilinguals correlates with better accuracy in German OVS sentences but not in passive sentences. Memory capacity had a positive effect on the comprehension of OVS and passive sentences in the bilingual group. Additionally, a role was played by executive function abilities in the comprehension of OVS sentences and not of passive sentences. It is suggested that executive function abilities might help children in the sentence comprehension task when the linguistic structures are not yet fully mastered.
Altogether, these findings show that bilinguals’ poorer performance in the comprehension and processing of German OVS is mainly due to reduced language experience in German, and that the different performance of bilingual children with the two types of passives is mainly due to cross-linguistic influences.
Comparamos la labialización no asimiladora de nasales finales en español en tres corpus de español americano (mexicano, colombiano y paraguayo). Si bien es conocida la labialización no asimiladora en español yucateco, es en gran parte desconocida en otras regiones de habla hispana, por lo que a menudo se atribuye a la influencia maya. Ahora bien, se han señalado casualmente hábitos de pronunciación similares tanto en Paraguay como en Colombia. Comparando empíricamente la labialización en tres corpus constituidos sobre la misma base metodológica, concluimos que la evidencia a favor del contacto lingüístico es como mucho sumamente indirecta. Independientemente de esto, encontramos que la diferencia más marcada es que la tasa de labialización parece ser determinada por la duración de la pausa subsiguiente en los datos de la península yucateca, mas no en aquellos de Colombia y Paraguay. Argumentamos que es cierto que el contacto puede eventualmente haber desencadenado el desarrollo de este rasgo en el español yucateco, puesto que el español actual casi no conoce nasales labiales finales, pero el maya sí. Sin embargo, el perfil lingüístico (hablantes monolingües vs. bilingües) no tiene ningún efecto en nuestros datos yucatecos y paraguayos, y en el total de nuestros datos tampoco encontramos evidencia en favor de la hipótesis que el contacto lingüístico hubiera jugado un rol (importante) en el desarrollo de las labiales nasales en las tres variedades.
It is a well-attested finding in head-initial languages that individuals with aphasia (IWA) have greater difficulties in comprehending object-extracted relative clauses (ORCs) as compared to subject-extracted relative clauses (SRCs). Adopting the linguistically based approach of Relativized Minimality (RM; Rizzi, 1990, 2004), the subject-object asymmetry is attributed to the occurrence of a Minimality effect in ORCs due to reduced processing capacities in IWA (Garraffa & Grillo, 2008; Grillo, 2008, 2009). For ORCs, it is claimed that the embedded subject intervenes in the syntactic dependency between the moved object and its trace, resulting in greater processing demands. In contrast, no such intervener is present in SRCs. Based on the theoretical framework of RM and findings from language acquisition (Belletti et al., 2012; Friedmann et al., 2009), it is assumed that Minimality effects are alleviated when the moved object and the intervening subject differ in terms of relevant syntactic features. For German, the language under investigation, the RM approach predicts that number (i.e., singular vs. plural) and the lexical restriction [+NP] feature (i.e., lexically restricted determiner phrases vs. lexically unrestricted pronouns) are considered relevant in the computation of Minimality. Greater degrees of featural distinctiveness are predicted to result in more facilitated processing of ORCs, because IWA can more easily distinguish between the moved object and the intervener.
This cumulative dissertation aims to provide empirical evidence on the validity of the RM approach in accounting for comprehension patterns during relative clause (RC) processing in German-speaking IWA. For that purpose, I conducted two studies including visual-world eye-tracking experiments embedded within an auditory referent-identification task to study the offline and online processing of German RCs. More specifically, target sentences were created to evaluate (a) whether IWA demonstrate a subject-object asymmetry, (b) whether dissimilarity in the number and/or the [+NP] features facilitates ORC processing, and (c) whether sentence processing in IWA benefits from greater degrees of featural distinctiveness. Furthermore, by comparing RCs disambiguated through case marking (at the relative pronoun or the following noun phrase) and number marking (inflection of the sentence-final verb), it was possible to consider the role of the relative position of the disambiguation point. The RM approach predicts that dissimilarity in case should not affect the occurrence of Minimality effects. However, the case cue to sentence interpretation appears earlier within RCs than the number cue, which may result in lower processing costs in case-disambiguated RCs compared to number-disambiguated RCs.
In study I, target sentences varied with respect to word order (SRC vs. ORC) and dissimilarity in the [+NP] feature (lexically restricted determiner phrase vs. pronouns as embedded element). Moreover, by comparing the impact of these manipulations in case- and number-disambiguated RCs, the effect of dissimilarity in the number feature was explored. IWA demonstrated a subject-object asymmetry, indicating the occurrence of a Minimality effect in ORCs. However, dissimilarity neither in the number feature nor in the [+NP] feature alone facilitated ORC processing. Instead, only ORCs involving distinct specifications of both the number and the [+NP] features were well comprehended by IWA. In study II, only temporarily ambiguous ORCs disambiguated through case or number marking were investigated, while controlling for varying points of disambiguation. There was a slight processing advantage of case marking as cue to sentence interpretation as compared to number marking.
Taken together, these findings suggest that the RM approach can only partially capture empirical data from German IWA. In processing complex syntactic structures, IWA are susceptible to the occurrence of the intervening subject in ORCs. The new findings reported in the thesis show that structural dissimilarity can modulate sentence comprehension in aphasia. Interestingly, IWA can override Minimality effects in ORCs and derive correct sentence meaning if the featural specifications of the constituents are maximally different, because they can more easily distinguish the moved object and the intervening subject given their reduced processing capacities. This dissertation presents new scientific knowledge that highlights how the syntactic theory of RM helps to uncover selective effects of morpho-syntactic features on sentence comprehension in aphasia, emphasizing the close link between assumptions from theoretical syntax and empirical research.
The evaluation of process-oriented cognitive theories through time-ordered observations is crucial for the advancement of cognitive science. The findings presented herein integrate insights from research on eye-movement control and sentence comprehension during reading, addressing challenges in modeling time-ordered data, statistical inference, and interindividual variability. Using kernel density estimation and a pseudo-marginal likelihood for fixation durations and locations, a likelihood implementation of the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading (Engbert et al., Psychological Review, 112, 2005, pp. 777–813) is proposed. Within the broader framework of data assimilation, Bayesian parameter inference with adaptive Markov Chain Monte Carlo techniques is facilitated for reliable model fitting. Across the different studies, this framework has shown to enable reliable parameter recovery from simulated data and prediction of experimental summary statistics. Despite its complexity, SWIFT can be fitted within a principled Bayesian workflow, capturing interindividual differences and modeling experimental effects on reading across different geometrical alterations of text. Based on these advancements, the integrated dynamical model SEAM is proposed, which combines eye-movement control, a traditionally psychological research area, and post-lexical language processing in the form of cue-based memory retrieval (Lewis & Vasishth, Cognitive Science, 29, 2005, pp. 375–419), typically the purview of psycholinguistics. This proof-of-concept integration marks a significant step forward in natural language comprehension during reading and suggests that the presented methodology can be useful to develop complex cognitive dynamical models that integrate processes at levels of perception, higher cognition, and (oculo-)motor control. These findings collectively advance process-oriented cognitive modeling and highlight the importance of Bayesian inference, individual differences, and interdisciplinary integration for a holistic understanding of reading processes. Implications for theory and methodology, including proposals for model comparison and hierarchical parameter inference, are briefly discussed.