Extern
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (693)
- Postprint (204)
- Conference Proceeding (137)
- Doctoral Thesis (130)
- Review (128)
- Monograph/Edited Volume (87)
- Working Paper (44)
- Part of Periodical (19)
- Part of a Book (16)
- Preprint (7)
Language
- German (850)
- English (605)
- Russian (14)
- French (13)
- Portuguese (1)
Keywords
- Philosophie (18)
- philosophy (18)
- Lehrkräftebildung (16)
- Reflexion (13)
- Germany (9)
- Reflexionskompetenz (9)
- United States (8)
- Anthropologie (7)
- Feedback (7)
- USA (7)
Institute
- Extern (1483)
- Zentrum für Umweltwissenschaften (84)
- Institut für Biochemie und Biologie (75)
- Zentrum für Lehrerbildung und Bildungsforschung (ZeLB) (61)
- Institut für Physik und Astronomie (56)
- Vereinigung für Jüdische Studien e. V. (47)
- Institut für Chemie (46)
- Institut für Geowissenschaften (46)
- Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften (37)
- Center for Economic Policy Analysis (CEPA) (32)
Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.
The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.
The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
Are we witnessing a decline of war, the spread of violence or both? The growing number of wars and genocids conveys the impression of uncontrolled violence. Is there any possibility to overcome belligerent conflicts between states? Do imply social, technological, cultural or even anthropological changes moments which could shift the ground of state’s rivalry towards non-belligerent relationships? Peace trough interdependence and democracy seems possible. The priorities of modern states cannot be thought on the basis of attributes like sovereignty and territoriality. The peaceful 'bourgeois islands' not only bring about prosperity but increasing social exclusion as well. New phenomenon of ethnicism and religiosity often originate from, around and in their midst. Threats arising from terrorism and racial or religious riots are the consequences. There are two options, the author considers as possible: an "embourgeoisement" of the "barbarians" or a "barbarisation of the bourgeois". Or is there a new political form emerging?
Hegemonialmächte im Vorderen und Mittleren Orient : die Dritte Partei in internationalen Konflikten
(1997)
During the last five decades hegemons played an important role in de-escalating international conflicts in the subregion defined as the core of Oriens Islamicus. Statistical analysis of large datasets shows that half of all conflicts remained without any interference from the hegemonial powers at all - both on global scale and in the subregion. In all other cases however, hegemons (especially super-powers in the role of patrons) tended more often to act as (power-) mediators when their client-state was engaged in conflict with a client of the opposing superpower in Oriens Islamicus than they did on global scale. They did this in their own interest in order to avoid direct involvement, i.e. possible danger of a nuclear escalation. In contrast to conventional mediation theory they were more effective in conflict de-escalation than other mediators, especially in conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbours. The end of bipolarity in the international system also brought this mechanism of de-escalation to an end. It leaves the hegemon(s) as a potentially powerful third party on the one hand, but on the other their inclination to become involved in regional conflict remains rather diminished as long as the basic national interests in the area are not at stake.
Die zunehmende Erosion der veranlagten Einkommensteuer wirft die Frage auf, inwieweit die Möglichkeit der Verechnung positiver mit negativen Einkünften dafür verantwortlich ist. Auf der Basis eines Mikrosimulationsmodells analysiert der Beitrag die Wirkungen dieser im deutschen Einkommensteuerrecht möglichen Verrechenbarkeit. Zum einen werden die aus der Abschaffung der Verrechnungsmöglichkeiten resultierenden Wanderungen von Steuerpflichtigen in höhere Einkommensklassen und zum anderen die Auswirkungen auf das Steueraufkommen untersucht. Insgesamt vermindern ca. 5 % der Steuerpflichtigen ihre positiven Einkünfte durch negative Einkünfte einer anderen Einkunftsart. Im Hinblick auf das Steueraufkommen zeichnen sich beträchtliche Steuerausfälle in Höhe von ca. 33 Mrd. DM durch diese Verrechnungsmöglichkeit ab.
Inhalt: Theoretische Begründung einer Besteuerung von Alterseinkünften Kritische Überprüfung einiger Argumente Die Reformvorschläge und das Simulationsmodell Die Simulationsergebnisse Kritische Bewertung der Ergebnisse Mit einem Kommentar von Hans-Peter Weikard: Rentenbesteuerung und Korrespondenzprinzip: 1. Wie selbstverständlich ist das Korrespondenzprinzip? 2. Die zeitliche Dimension des Korrespondenzprinzips 3. Eine unzulässige Interpretation 4. Fazit
Vor- und nacheiszeitliche Großtierformen in Mitteleuropa und ihre Einpassung in das Ökosystem
(1997)
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung basiert auf einer Befragung von insgesamt 93 Unternehmen aus den Regionen Potsdam, Berlin und Chemnitz. Die Interviews wurden im Zeitraum Mai/Juni 1996 durchgeführt und dauerten ca. 1 Stunde. Im Mittelpunkt der Befragung standen die Themenbereiche: ökologische Betroffenheit, Einstellung zum Umweltschutz, Markt- und Wettbewerbsbedingungen des betrieblichen Umweltschutzes, Umfang und Intensität betrieblicher Maßnahmen zum Umweltschutz sowie Verhaltensbarrieren. Als Interviewpartner standen in der Mehrzahl der befragten Unternehmen die Geschäftsführer oder Umweltbeauftragte bzw. andere Personen in Führungspositionen zur Verfügung. Zum überwiegenden Teil waren die von uns befragten Unternehmer selbst Eigentümer der Unternehmung. Die befragten Unternehmen gehören überwiegend dem Konsumgütersektor (44%) an. Ein Drittel der Unternehmen stammt aus dem Investitionsgütersektor (33%). Der Dienstleistungssektor ist mit lediglich 23% in der Stichprobe vertreten. Insgesamt bildet die Stichprobe ein breites Branchenspektrum ab, wenn auch die Geschäftsbereiche Maschinenbau und Anlagen, bedingt durch ihre starke Präsenz im Raum Chemnitz, deutlich überrepräsentiert sind. Hinsichtlich der Beschäftigtenzahlen und Umsätze handelt es sich in der Befragung überwiegend um kleine und mittelständische Betriebe, wiewohl auch einige größere Unternehmen berücksichtigt wurden.
After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.
The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.
Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.
Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.
J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman’s ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.
In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.
Inhalt: Veränderte ostdeutsche Lebenswelt - Darstellung der Verschiebungen innerhalb des Erwerbsstatus in den neuen Bundesländern Erwerbsstatus in Ostdeutschland vor und nach staatlichen Eingriffen Die sektorale Verteilung der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft - Erfinder und Nachahmer? Die sektorale Verteilung der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft im Bundeslandvergleich - Exkurs: Der öffentliche Dienst Die neuen Berufe - Klassifizierung der ausgeübten Tätigkeiten in den tertiären Beschäftigungsbereichen - Entwicklungsdynamiken an ausgewählten Beispielen des Dienstleistungssektors - Geschlecht und Alter als Determinanten der Beschäftigung
The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.
The concepts of food deficit, hunger, undernourishment and food security are discussed. Axioms and indices for the assessment of nutrition of individuals and groups are suggested. Furthermore a measure for food aid donor performance is developed and applied to a sample of bilateral and multilateral donors providing food aid for African countries.
Die Anwendung von optischen Parametern zur Stoffcharakterisierung wird diskutiert. Dabei ist der Schwerpunkt der Diskussion auf absorptions- und fluoreszenzspektroskopische Methoden gesetzt. Beide Methoden können schnell und zuverlässig – auch im on-line Betrieb – eingesetzt werden. Der Beitrag soll einen Überblick über die grundlegenden Möglichkeiten der Anwendung beider Methoden geben.
Ziel der Arbeit ist es, einen Vorschlag zur Untersuchung des Mikro-Makro Links zu unterbreiten. Die zentrale These ist, daß die in der westlichen Welt entstandenen Wohlfahrtsstaaten seit ihrer Entstehung wesentlich die Einstellungen der in ihnen lebenden Bevölkerung beeinflußt haben. Inhalt: Die Unterscheidung von Wohlfahrtsstaaten Die Untersuchung von Mikro- Makrozusammenhängen Der Zusammenhang zwischen wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Regimetypen und individuellen Einstellungen - Der Markt-Staat Index - Der Akzeptanz arbeitender Mütter Index
Inhalt: 1 Die Trias wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Regimes 2 Der kulturelle und institutionelle Bezugsrahmen in den drei Modell-Ländern: Deutschland, Norwegen, USA 3 Die Operationalisierung der Berufsstrukturen mit Hilfe der international Standard Classification of Occupations 1968 (ISCO1968) 4 Schichtselbsteinstufung und Einstellungsindex zu staatlicher Intervention auf Basis des International Social Survey Programme 1992 (ISSP1992) 5 Schichtselbsteinstufung und Einstellungsindex zur Frauenerwerbstätigkeit auf Basis des International Social Survey Programme 1994 (ISSP1994)
The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.
Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.
The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens’, he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.
Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.
In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia’s international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia’s national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author’s judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia’s international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country’s predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.
Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China
(1998)
Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People’s Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.
In 1988, the Government of the People’s Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.
Projekt: Nachhaltiges Brandenburg ; Projekt: Nachhaltige, umweltgerechte Regionalentwicklung in Ostprignitz-Ruppin ; Projekt: Entwicklung nachhaltiger Landnutzung; Projekt: Integrierte Umweltberatung und ökologische Zielsetzungen im Landkreis; Projekt: Fachinformationssystem Naturschutz und Landschaftspflege des Landesumweltamtes Brandenburg ; Projekt: Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfung ; Projekt: Planung und Projektierung der Abwasserentsorgung im Land Brandenburg (1990-1994)