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Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird an Hand dreier Beispiele der Einsatz von optischer Sensorik zur Produktcharakterisierung dargestellt, nämlich Untersuchungen zum O2-Gehalt in Fruchtsäften, zur Isotopiesignatur von CO2 in Mineralwässern und zu Lichtstreueigenschaften eines Sonnenschutzmittels. Inhalt: Bestimmung von O2 mit Lumineszenzsonden Isotopenselektive Bestimmung von CO2 mit TDLAS Optische Charakterisierung stark streuender Materialien mit Photonendichtewellen
Theoretischer Hintergrund: Eine frühzeitige Gesundheitsförderung wird als wesentliches Bestimmungsstück zur Prävention körperlicher und psychischer Erkrankungen angesehen. Als ideales Setting für eine gezielte Gesundheitsförderung wird der Lebensraum Kita angesehen. Fragestellungen: Welche Aktivitäten zur Gesundheitsförderung gibt es bisher in den Brandenburger Kitas? Spielt hier die Bildungsnähe/-ferne der betreuten Kinder eine Rolle? In welchen Bereichen gibt es den größten Fort- und Weiterbildungsbedarf der Mitarbeiterinnen? Methode: Untersuchung einer Stichprobe von 269 Brandenburger Kitas mit insgesamt 21 653 betreuten Kindern. Erfassung struktureller Rahmenbedingungen, pädagogischer Konzepte, Aktivitäten zur Gesundheitsförderung, Partizipation und Fortbildungsbedarf. Ergebnisse: Es zeigte sich eine nachhaltige Umsetzung von Aktivitäten und große Kreativität. Dabei standen vor allem Angebote der Bereiche Bewegung und Ernährung im Zentrum. Psychosoziale Themen wurden seltener als Schwerpunkt benannt, wohingegen hierfür der größte Fortbildungbedarf (Ranking der Fortbildungsthemen: 1. Psychosoziale Entwicklung, 2. Psychische Probleme, 3. Stressbewältigung) vorlag.
Die Anwendung von optischen Parametern zur Stoffcharakterisierung wird diskutiert. Dabei ist der Schwerpunkt der Diskussion auf absorptions- und fluoreszenzspektroskopische Methoden gesetzt. Beide Methoden können schnell und zuverlässig – auch im on-line Betrieb – eingesetzt werden. Der Beitrag soll einen Überblick über die grundlegenden Möglichkeiten der Anwendung beider Methoden geben.
Die Zuwanderung nach Tirana führte im Verlauf der 1990er Jahre zu einem enormen Flächenverbrauch auf Kosten landwirtschaftlicher Flächen im Umland der albanischen Hauptstadt. Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit wird die Entwicklung des rasanten Flächenverbrauchs mit computergestützten Methoden dokumentiert. Grundlage der Untersuchung bilden zwei zu unterschiedlichen Zeitpunkten (1988 und 2000) aufgenommene Satellitenszenen, mit Hilfe derer eine Änderungsanalyse durchgeführt wird. Ziel der Änderungsanalyse ist es, den Flächennutzungswandel zu analysieren, Daten zu generieren und die Ergebnisse in geeigneter Weise zu visualisieren. Zu den protagonistischen Verfahren der Änderungsanalyse zählen sowohl die Maximum-Likelihood Klassifikation sowie ein wissensbasierter Klassifizierungsansatz. Die Ergebnisse der Änderungsanalyse werden in Änderungskarten dargestellt und mittels einer GIS-Software statistisch ausgewertet.
Inhalt: 1 Die Trias wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Regimes 2 Der kulturelle und institutionelle Bezugsrahmen in den drei Modell-Ländern: Deutschland, Norwegen, USA 3 Die Operationalisierung der Berufsstrukturen mit Hilfe der international Standard Classification of Occupations 1968 (ISCO1968) 4 Schichtselbsteinstufung und Einstellungsindex zu staatlicher Intervention auf Basis des International Social Survey Programme 1992 (ISSP1992) 5 Schichtselbsteinstufung und Einstellungsindex zur Frauenerwerbstätigkeit auf Basis des International Social Survey Programme 1994 (ISSP1994)
Ziel der Arbeit ist es, einen Vorschlag zur Untersuchung des Mikro-Makro Links zu unterbreiten. Die zentrale These ist, daß die in der westlichen Welt entstandenen Wohlfahrtsstaaten seit ihrer Entstehung wesentlich die Einstellungen der in ihnen lebenden Bevölkerung beeinflußt haben. Inhalt: Die Unterscheidung von Wohlfahrtsstaaten Die Untersuchung von Mikro- Makrozusammenhängen Der Zusammenhang zwischen wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Regimetypen und individuellen Einstellungen - Der Markt-Staat Index - Der Akzeptanz arbeitender Mütter Index
Gegenstand der Untersuchung sind individuelle und kollektive Einstellungen zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit im Ländervergleich. Inhalt: Erklärungsansätze - Makrosoziologische Ansätze - Mikrosoziologische Ansätze - Einstellungen zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit - Einstellungen im Zusammenhang von Makro- und Mikroebene Kulturelle Leitbilder und Wohlfahrtsregimes - Westdeutschland - Ostdeutschland - Großbritannien Arbeitsmarkt und Frauenerwerbsbeteiligung - Frauenerwerbsbeteiligung - Berufsstruktur im Vergleich Der Einstellungsindex zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit - Einstellungen zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit - Einstellungsindex zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit Variation der Einstellungen zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit - Modell der Binnenvariation - Länderanalyse: Westdeutschland, Ostdeutschland, Großbritannien - Länderspezifische Erklärungsmuster im Vergleich - Interstaatliche Variation der Einstellungen zu Frauenerwerbstätigkeit
Inhalt: 1 Die Trias wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Regimes 2 Der kulturelle und institutionelle Bezugsrahmen in den drei Modell-Ländern 3 Die Operationalisierung der beruflichen Lagen mit Hilfe der International Standard Classification of Occupations 1968 (ISCO1968) 4 Schichtselbsteinstufung und Einstellungsindex zu staatlicher Intervention nach Geschlecht auf Basis des International Social Survey Programme 1992 (ISSP1992) 5 Schichtselbsteinstufung und Einstellungsindex zur Frauenerwerbstätigkeit nach Geschlecht auf Basis des International Social Survey Programme 1994 (ISSP1994) 6 Zusammenfassung und Schlußfolgerungen
China ist auf dem Weg zu einer offeneren Gesellschaft mit zunehmender Partizipation, größerer rechtlicher Sicherheit und individueller Autonomie. Der Staat zog sich aus vielen Bereichen zurück, ökonomische Ziele bestimmen seine Prioritäten. Die Entwicklungserfolge brachten jedoch eine Legitimationskrise des Staates mit sich. Vier Dilemmata, die China heute konfrontieren, werden aufgezeigt und Hypothesen zur Charakterisierung des chinesischen party state diskutiert.
Chinas Wandel und die Welt
(2006)
Wie stellt sich das Verhältnis zwischen China und der Welt im 21. Jahrhundert dar? Die Autorin, Politikwissenschaftlerin aus Peking, verweist auf die aktuelle Debatte in China, in der das Primat der Innenpolitik, regionaler Multilateralismus und harmonische Weltordnung intensiv diskutiert werden. China habe nicht vor, das internationale System herauszufordern oder zu zerstören. Vielmehr sei es um stärkere Einbindung bemüht.
Der Artikel stellt grundlegende Aspekte der Steuerung von öffentlichen Unternehmen und damit verbundenen Herausforderungen dar. Zu diesem Zweck wird der zentrale Begriff der Untersteuerung sowie die Ursachen und Folgen betrachtet. Nachfolgend wird die Entwicklung privatwirtschaftlicher Unternehmen analysiert, um daraus Schlussfolgerungen für den öffentlichen Sektor zu ziehen. Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 2. Untersteuerung als Herausforderung kommunaler Corporate Governance 3. Public Corporate Governance 4. Eigentumsrechte als zentrales Element einer Public Corporate Governance 5. Zusammenfassung und Ausblick 6. Literatur
Der optimale Umfang staatlicher Aufgaben wird im Rahmen der normativen Theorie der Staatsaufgaben diskutiert. In diesem explorativen Beitrag wird vorgeschlagen, die Reputation der Marke des demokratischen Staates als wesentlichen Einflussfaktor bei der Bestimmung der Staatsaufgaben einzuführen. Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 2. Staatsaufgaben in der Diskussion verschiedener Disziplinen 3. Staatsaufgaben in der leistungstiefenpolitischen Betrachtung 4. Die Reputation der Marke des demokratischen Staates 5. Zusammenfassung 6. Literatur
Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 2. Transaktionskosten als Entscheidungskriterium bei der Frage der Leistungstiefe im öffentlichen Sektor 3. Markttest als Instrument zur Bestimmung der Leistungstiefe 4. „Marketization“ von öffentlichen Inhousebetrieben aus Sicht der Transaktionskostentheorie 5. „Marketization“ von öffentlichen Inhousebetrieben aus Sicht des New Public Management 6. Perspektiven des Governance-Ansatzes für die Frage der optimalen Fertigungstiefe im öffentlichen Sektor 7. Marketization – ein Lösungsansatz für das Problem der optimalen Koordination von Inhouseleistungen? 8. Literatur
Die vorliegende Festschrift wird Frau Prof. Gabrielle Saupe anlässlich ihrer Verabschiedung aus dem Institut für Geographie der Universität Potsdam gewidmet. Bewegende Räume - damit sind emotionale, materielle und strukturelle Bewegungen in einem räumlichen Kontext gemeint. Die Vieldeutigkeit des Titels impliziert die Vielfalt der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Raum. Ein illustres Autorenkollektiv deutscher Raumwissenschaftler verdeutlicht anhand von verschiedenen zum Teil essayartigen Artikeln sein Verständnis von Raum. Die interdisziplinäre Konzeption des Heftes soll das ständige Bemühen von Frau Saupe verdeutlichen, verschiedene Perspektiven, Herangehensweisen und Fachdisziplinen zur Bewältigung der Forschungsaufgaben zusammenzuführen. Hierbei sind die wichtigsten Forschungsprojekte von Frau Saupe ebenso vertreten wie einige der von ihr betreuten Qualifikationsarbeiten. Die Beiträge reichen von der Landschafts- bzw. Geoökologie bis zum Fußball und der Musik. Sie spannen einen Bogen von der Geographie als Regionalwissenschaft zu modernen stadtsoziologischen Fragestellungen, stellen Ergebnisse neuerer Forschungsprojekte vor und widmen sich der Entwicklung von nahen und fernen Räumen aus verschiedenen Perspektiven.
Die Untersuchung bedient sich der Fallstudie als Instrument der empirischen Sozialforschung und hat zum Ziel, die regionalökonomische Bedeutung von öffentlichen Wissenschaftseinrichtungen anhand der Hochschulbildungs- und außeruniversitären Forschungseinrichtungen in Potsdam empirisch zu fundieren. Zur Bearbeitung der Themenstellung wurden drei Aspekte ausgewählt, von denen zu erwarten ist, dass sie für den Untersuchungsraum regionalwirtschaftlich bedeutsam sind: Beschäftigungs-, Einkommens- und Informationseffekte. Die Ausgabenströme der Wissenschaftseinrichtungen (Personal-, Sach- und Investitionsausgaben) sowie die in umfangreichen Befragungen erhobenen Konsumausgaben von Personal und Studierenden wurden regional und sektoral gegliedert und daraus resultierende Beschäftigung und Einkommen für die Region Potsdam ermittelt. Die von den Wissenschaftseinrichtungen ausgehenden Informationseffekte wurden mittels empirischer Untersuchungen des Transfergeschehens in Potsdam analysiert. Durch eine Befragung an den Wissenschaftseinrichtungen sowie ergänzende Experteninterviews war es möglich, ein genaues Bild der Kooperationspotenziale zwischen Potsdamer Wissenschaftseinrichtungen und regionalen Unternehmen zu zeichnen, den aktuellen Stand der Zusammenarbeit zu charakterisieren, Hemmnisse offen zu legen und Handlungsempfehlungen abzuleiten.
Die vorliegende Schrift "Die Islamische Republik Iran" erwächst aus der Durchführung sowie der Vor- und Nachbereitung einer Studienreise von Studenten in den Iran. Im Herbst 2004 reist die Gruppe nach Teheran und lernt neben den dem Alborz-Gebirge und der Kaspi-Region auch die Städte Shiraz, Persepolis, Yazd und Esfahan kennen. In acht Einzelbeiträgen vermitteln die Studenten unter dem Eindruck des selbst Gesehenen und Erlebten und in der Literatur Erarbeiteten einen Überblick zum politisch-administrativen System der Islamischen Republik Iran, zur Wirtschaft, zur Bevölkerungsentwicklung, zur Stadtstruktur im islamischen Orient und in der Hauptstadt, zur Migration im Zusammenhang mit dem Iran-Irak-Krieg, zur Binnenwanderung sowie zu ausgewählten Aspekten der Außenpolitik.
The best of both worlds
(2006)
Gegenstand der Publikation ist eine Art der Transmigration, die nicht, wie in der bisherigen Forschungsliteratur aufgezeigt, durch die Überbrückung des Wohlstandsgefälles entsteht, sondern durch die Verwirklichung eines bestimmten Lebensstils. In mehreren Interviews mit drei Seglern, die – neben der Teilnahme an internationalen Regatten – aus Sets verschiedener Motive zwischen Neuseeland und Europa pendeln, wird deren Lebenswelt als "Long distance-Transmigranten" dargestellt und miteinander verglichen. Im theoretischen Teil werden die Befunde der Fallstudie in die wissenschaftliche Debatte eingeordnet. Ein Abriss zur Kritik sowie die Konsequenzen dieser für die Arbeit werden gezogen. Der Nachweis, dass die untersuchten Probanden "Sonderfälle" darstellen, wird erbracht und die Einführung eines eigenen wissenschaftlichen Begriffes für dieses neue Migrationsphänomen erfolgt. Obgleich diese Studie auf einer relativ schmalen empirischen Basis erwachsen ist, zeichnet sie sich durch das innovative Vorgehen der Autorin aus.
Enge Kooperationsformen basieren auf Vertrauen und dementsprechend wurde seine zentrale Rolle für die Funktionsfähigkeit von Netzwerken in den letzten Jahren auch zunehmend anerkannt. Diese Bedeutung von Vertrauen wird in grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerken noch potenziert, da neben den mangelnden formalen Sanktionsmöglichkeiten und der Ungleichzeitigkeit des Tauschs die Unsicherheiten resultierend aus der Berührung unterschiedlicher Wirtschafts-, Kultur und Rechtsräume zunehmen, während gleichzeitig die Funktionsfähigkeit verschiedener Institutionen zur Reduzierung dieser Unsicherheiten abnimmt. Trotz dieser anerkannten Rolle, die Vertrauen in grenzüberschreitenden Kooperationen spielt, wird dem Aufbau von Vertrauen in grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerken und den Möglichkeiten einer gezielten Vertrauensförderung in der Literatur bisher nur wenig Beachtung geschenkt. Um diese Fragen näher zu untersuchen, wurde eine empirische Studie zwischen den deutschen, polnischen und tschechischen Akteuren des von der Europäischen Union geförderten Projektes Enlarge-Net durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie zeigen, dass gemeinsame Erfahrungen und wiederholte Interaktion, direkte Kommunikation, institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen, soziale, kulturelle und räumliche Distanzen zwischen den Akteuren und Dritten Parteien einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf den Vertrauensaufbau zwischen den Akteuren eines grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerkes haben. Um den Prozess des Vertrauensaufbaus zu fördern, sollte ein Vertrauensmanagement eingeführt werden, das unter anderem auf die Schaffung formaler und informeller Austauschplattformen abzielt, die Qualität der Kommunikation verbessert und Regeln der Kooperation institutionalisiert. Doch bleibt zu beachten, dass es sich bei dem Aufbau von Vertrauen um einen langsamen und sich sukzessive verstärkenden Prozess handelt, der extrem empfindlich gegenüber Störungen ist, die den gesamten Prozess mit einem Schlag zum Erliegen bringen können.
According to the author, chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee in the German parliament (Bundestag), German foreign policy is based on a strong parliamentary consensus: continuing as a Western European country, co-operating with our partners in the European Union and the NATO, acting as a responsible member of UN and OSCE. Germany firmly stands up to these basic decisions, also today in a changed world, concentrating on reaching two major goals: building up a new security architecture for Europe as a whole and reuniting Europe by enlarging the European Union. Moderate and co-operate in style, Germany will continue to be a reliable partner, willing and ready to accept even more responsibilities in Europe and beyond Europe.
The ten-years presidency of Alberto Fujimori in Peru is a classic example of the sort of hybrid democracy that emerged in various Latin American countries in the 1990s, combining a mixture of democratic and clearly non-democratic elements. Fujimori was one of the more autocratic Latin American leaders of the 1990s, he is being the only regime formally to break with pre-existing constitutional rules. Closely tied to the military and intelligence apparatus, his government involved a concentration of political power that reduced the scope and autonomy of other branches of the state. But, unlike previous Latin American military dictatorships, Fujimori’s government enjoyed a considerable popularity, born out of disaffection for representative institutions. The article argues, however, that these characteristics of apparent strength carried within them the seeds of their own destruction. Far from establishing lasting political stability, the regime was weakly based. Within six weeks of his inauguration for a third term in July 2000, Fujimori was obliged to announce his intention to withdraw from politics. Two months later, he was ousted altogether.
After the democratic euphoria of the early 1990s, today the "third wave of democratization" seems to be less a triumph of political liberalism and much more a success story of a "defective" form of democracy. The authors argue that none of the strategies which can be found in contemporary democratization studies is satisfactory. They offer an alternative two-step-strategy of (1) specifying the root concept of democracy and (2) building subtypes of democracy which are based on this specified root concept. In doing so, the authors conceptualize the model of embedded democracy, from which they generate the concept of "defective democracy" and present a typology of these "defective democracies".
While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today’s Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master’s of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.
Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.
The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.
The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.
The comprehensive transformation after the breakdown of communist rule was also reflected in a profound change in national policies. The dominating approach in the days of the old regime were grounded in the concept of a single nation state. The years since 1989 witnessed a rise of new democratic attitudes towards national and ethnic minorities. National minorities make up 3 to 4% of the population. Their total number is estimated to be approximately 1.0 to 1.3 Million people. Contemporary national policy rejects the principle of assimilation (polonization) of national and ethnic minorities while supporting their integration.
The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.
The end of the Cold War opened a window for a new era in world security. Instead of rising to this extraordinary occasion, the United States has adopted a regressive Great Power approach to military security. Rather than promote 'win-win' solutions for peace, security, disarmament, and democracy, it treats international security as a 'zero-sum' game. This article discusses examples in the areas of military spending, military research and development, and arms production and export. It also looks at US policy regarding the use of force, including the role of the United Nations, military intervention in other nations, military alliances, and multilateral military action. In conclusion, the article comments on whether we can expect more constructive action under a new administration and congress.
Ghana’s local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments’ need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana’s 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5% of the national tax income to the districts.
During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.
Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.
The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.
The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.
The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.
In 1988, the Government of the People’s Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.
Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China
(1998)
Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People’s Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.
In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia’s international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia’s national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author’s judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia’s international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country’s predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.
Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.
The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens’, he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.
Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.
After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.
In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.
J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman’s ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.
Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.
Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.
The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.
The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.
Dieser Aufsatz verknüpft die komparative Wohlfahrtsforschung mit der traditionellen Einstellungsforschung auf Basis von quantitativen empirischen Erhebungen. Inhalt: 1 Wohlfahrtskonzepte 1.1 Die Zieldimension 1.2 Die Wohlfahrtsproduzenten 2 Determinanten von Unterstützungen 2.1 Die Makroebene: Wohlfahrtsregimetypologien 2.2 Die Mikroebene: Interessen und Werte 3 Operationalisierung 3.1 Wohlfahrtskonzepte 3.2 Indikatoren der Mikroebene 4 Unterstützungspotentiale für die Wohlfahrtskonzepte 4.1 Die Unterstützung des Egalitarismus-Etatismus 4.1.1 Innerstaatliche Einstellungsvariationen 4.1.2 Zwischenstaatliche Einstellungsvariation 4.2 Die Unterstützung des Funktionalismus 4.3 Die Unterstützung des Investitionsprinzips 4.4 Die Unterstützung des reinen Leistungsprinzips 4.5 Die Unterstützung des Familialismus 4.6 Die Unterstützung des Chancengleichheit-Marktliberalismus-Index 4.7 Kompositionen von Wohlfahrtskonzepten
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.