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Institute
- Extern (1022)
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The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.
The article mobilises the concept of strategic culture in order to identify the impact of history upon contemporary security policy. The article will first look at the "wholesale construction" of a strategic culture after the Second World War in West Germany before exploring its impact upon security policy since the end of the Cold War in two areas: the Bundeswehr's out-of-area role and conscription. The central argument presented here is that the strategic culture of the former Federal Republic now writ large on to the new united Germany sets the context within which security policies are designed. This strategic culture, as will be argued, acts as both a facilitating and a restraining variable on behaviour, making certain policy options possible and others impossible.
The end of the cold war division of the Baltic Sea in 1989, and the three Baltic states’ return to independence in 1991 created new opportunities for the decision-makers of the area, as well as new possibilities for fashioning security in the region. This article will examine the security debate affecting the Baltic Sea region in the post-cold war period, and in particular, the relevance of the European Union to that debate. The following section will examine various concepts of security relevant to the Baltic region; the third section looks at the EU and the Baltic area; and the last part deals with the implications that EU membership by the Baltic Sea states may have for the security of the Baltic Sea zone.
The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.
Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.
During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.
Ghana’s local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments’ need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana’s 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5% of the national tax income to the districts.
Die Sprache des Internet
(1999)
Naturliebe per Knopfdruck
(1999)
Rezensiertes Werk: Nutz, Manfred: Stadtentwicklung in Umbruchsituationen : Wiederaufbau und Wiedervereinigung als Stressfaktor der Entwicklung ostdeutscher Mittelstädte ; ein Raum-Zeit-Vergleich mit Westdeutschland ; mit 7 Tabellen / Manfred Nutz. - Stuttgart : Steiner, 1998. - 242 S. : graph. Darst., Kt. - (Erdkundliches Wissen ; 124) Zugl.: Köln, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 1997 ISBN 3-515-07202-0
Rezensiertes Werk: Auf dem Weg zu einer neuen regionalen Organisation? : Vorträge eines Symposiums in Frankfurt am Main am 20. November 1998 / hrsg. von Klaus Wolf und Elke Tharun. - Frankfurt am Main : Rhein-Mainische Forschung des Inst. für Kulturgeographie, Stadt- und Regionalforschung und des Inst. für Physische Geographie der Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Univ., 1999. - 117 S. : graph. Darst., Kt. - (Rhein-Mainische Forschungen ; H. 116 ; Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Regionalwissenschaftliche Forschung Rhein-Main e.V. ; H. 11) ISBN 3-923184-22-0
Globalisierung
(1999)
Local Orders, Global Chaos
(1999)
Rezensiertes Werk: Zillinger, Sylvia: Regionalwirtschaftlicher Strukturwandel und individuelle Arbeitsplatzproblematik : untersucht am Beispiel der Region Heinsberg und der Zeche Sophia-Jacoba / vorgelegt von Sylvia Zillinger, geb. Peters. - Aachen : Maas-Rhein-Inst. für Angewandte Geographie, 1997. - XII, 382 S. : graph. Darst., Kt. (Informationen und Materialien zur Geographie der Euregio Maas, Rhein : Beiheft ; 7) Zugl.: Aachen, Univ., Diss., 1997
Rezensiertes Werk: Weck, Sabine: Neue Kooperationsformen in Stadtregionen : eine regulationstheoretische Einordnung ; das Beispiel München / Sabine Weck. [Hrsg.: Institut für Raumplanung (IRPUD), Fakultät Raumplanung, Universität Dortmund]. - Dortmund : IRPUD; Dortmund : Informationskreis für Raumplanung (IfR), 1995. - 122 S. : Kt. (Dortmunder Beiträge zur Raumplanung : Blaue Reihe ; 74) ISBN 3-88211-093-7
Rezensiertes Werk: Wiegandt, Claus-Christian: An den Grenzen des Wachstums : Eindrücke zur amerikanischen Stadtentwicklung Mitte der 90er Jahre ; Abschlußbericht zur Forschungsreise durch die USA vom 16. Oktober bis zum 8. Dezember 1995 / Claus-C. Wiegandt. Bundesforschungsanstalt für Landeskunde und Raumordnung. - Bonn : Bundesforschungsanst. für Landeskunde und Raumordnung, 1997. - 32 S. : Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. - (Arbeitspapiere / Bundesforschungsanstalt für Landeskunde und Raumordnung ; 1997,3)
Die Anwendung von optischen Parametern zur Stoffcharakterisierung wird diskutiert. Dabei ist der Schwerpunkt der Diskussion auf absorptions- und fluoreszenzspektroskopische Methoden gesetzt. Beide Methoden können schnell und zuverlässig – auch im on-line Betrieb – eingesetzt werden. Der Beitrag soll einen Überblick über die grundlegenden Möglichkeiten der Anwendung beider Methoden geben.
The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.
Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.
The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens’, he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.
Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.
In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia’s international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia’s national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author’s judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia’s international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country’s predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.
Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China
(1998)
Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People’s Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.
In 1988, the Government of the People’s Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.
Projekt: Nachhaltiges Brandenburg ; Projekt: Nachhaltige, umweltgerechte Regionalentwicklung in Ostprignitz-Ruppin ; Projekt: Entwicklung nachhaltiger Landnutzung; Projekt: Integrierte Umweltberatung und ökologische Zielsetzungen im Landkreis; Projekt: Fachinformationssystem Naturschutz und Landschaftspflege des Landesumweltamtes Brandenburg ; Projekt: Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfung ; Projekt: Planung und Projektierung der Abwasserentsorgung im Land Brandenburg (1990-1994)
Brandenburgisches Umweltforschungszentrum e.V.:
Arbeitsgruppe: Nachhaltigkeit ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umwelt- und Biotechnologie ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umweltmanagement ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umweltsoziologie ;
Zentrum für Umweltwissenschaften:
Arbeitsgruppe: Betriebliches Umweltmanagement/Umweltbewußtes Konsumentenverhalten ; Arbeitsgruppe: Grüne Bioraffinerie ; Arbeitsgruppe: Integrierter Arten- und Biotopschutz ; Arbeitsgruppe: LIDAR-Inversionen ; Arbeitsgruppe: FG Ökotechnologie ; Arbeitsgruppe: Regenerative Energien ; Arbeitsgruppe: Stoffdynamik in Geosystemen ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umweltbildung
Betrachtungen zur Rolle von Frequenzmodulationen in der sozialen Kommunikation bei Tier und Mensch
(1998)
Zur Nahrungswahl der Schleiereule (Tyto alba guttata) im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark (Brandenburg)
(1998)
Hegemonialmächte im Vorderen und Mittleren Orient : die Dritte Partei in internationalen Konflikten
(1997)
During the last five decades hegemons played an important role in de-escalating international conflicts in the subregion defined as the core of Oriens Islamicus. Statistical analysis of large datasets shows that half of all conflicts remained without any interference from the hegemonial powers at all - both on global scale and in the subregion. In all other cases however, hegemons (especially super-powers in the role of patrons) tended more often to act as (power-) mediators when their client-state was engaged in conflict with a client of the opposing superpower in Oriens Islamicus than they did on global scale. They did this in their own interest in order to avoid direct involvement, i.e. possible danger of a nuclear escalation. In contrast to conventional mediation theory they were more effective in conflict de-escalation than other mediators, especially in conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbours. The end of bipolarity in the international system also brought this mechanism of de-escalation to an end. It leaves the hegemon(s) as a potentially powerful third party on the one hand, but on the other their inclination to become involved in regional conflict remains rather diminished as long as the basic national interests in the area are not at stake.
Vor- und nacheiszeitliche Großtierformen in Mitteleuropa und ihre Einpassung in das Ökosystem
(1997)
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.
The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.
Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.
Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.
J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman’s ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.
In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.
The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.
Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.
The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.
The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
Are we witnessing a decline of war, the spread of violence or both? The growing number of wars and genocids conveys the impression of uncontrolled violence. Is there any possibility to overcome belligerent conflicts between states? Do imply social, technological, cultural or even anthropological changes moments which could shift the ground of state’s rivalry towards non-belligerent relationships? Peace trough interdependence and democracy seems possible. The priorities of modern states cannot be thought on the basis of attributes like sovereignty and territoriality. The peaceful 'bourgeois islands' not only bring about prosperity but increasing social exclusion as well. New phenomenon of ethnicism and religiosity often originate from, around and in their midst. Threats arising from terrorism and racial or religious riots are the consequences. There are two options, the author considers as possible: an "embourgeoisement" of the "barbarians" or a "barbarisation of the bourgeois". Or is there a new political form emerging?
Fast analysis of different species of molecules in soils is investigated by capillary electrophoresis (CE). Several CE techniques for the analysis of inorganic ions and carbohydrates have been tested. With regard to the intents of pedologists and the usually large number of soil analyses a bundle of CE systems is proposed, capable of effecting time-saving soil analyses. Adapted electrolyte systems recently published and new separation systems are described. Examples of the application of these methods to two different soil samples are presented.
Chemical fingerprints of hydrological compartments and flow paths at La Cuenca, western Amazonia
(1995)
A forested first-order catchment in western Amazonia was monitored for 2 years to determine the chemical fingerprints of precipitation, throughfall, overland flow, pipe flow, soil water, groundwater, and streamflow. We used five tracers (hydrogen, calcium, magnesium, potassium, and silica) to distinguish “fast” flow paths mainly influenced by the biological subsystem from “slow” flow paths in the geochemical subsystem. The former comprise throughfall, overland flow, and pipe flow and are characterized by a high potassium/silica ratio; the latter are represented by soil water and groundwater, which have a low potassium/silica ratio. Soil water and groundwater differ with respect to calcium and magnesium. The groundwater-controlled streamflow chemistry is strongly modified by contributions from fast flow paths during precipitation events. The high potassium/silica ratio of these flow paths suggests that the storm flow response at La Cuenca is dominated by event water.
Previous hydrometric studies demonstrated the prevalence of overland flow as a hydrological pathway in the tropical rain forest catchment of South Creek, northeast Queensland. The purpose of this study was to consider this information in a mixing analysis with the aim of identifying sources of, and of estimating their contribution to, storm flow during two events in February 1993. K and acid-neutralizing capacity (ANC) were used as tracers because they provided the best separation of the potential sources, saturation overland flow, soil water from depths of 0.3, 0.6, and 1.2 m, and hillslope groundwater in a two-dimensional mixing plot. It was necessary to distinguish between saturation overland flow, generated at the soil surface and following unchanneled pathways, and overland flow in incised pathways. This latter type of overland flow was a mixture of saturation overland flow (event water) with high concentrations of K and a low ANC, soil water (preevent water) with low concentrations of K and a low ANC, and groundwater (preevent water) with low concentrations of K and a high ANC. The same sources explained the streamwater chemistry during the two events with strongly differing rainfall and antecedent moisture conditions. The contribution of saturation overland flow dominated the storm flow during the first, high-intensity, 178-mm event, while the contribution of soil water reached 50% during peak flow of the second, low-intensity, 44-mm event 5 days later. This latter result is remarkably similar to soil water contributions to storm flow in mountainous forested catchments of the southeastern United States. In terms of event and preevent water the storm flow hydrograph of the high-intensity event is dominated by event water and that of the low-intensity event by preevent water. This study highlights the problems of applying mixing analyses to overland flow-dominated catchments and soil environments with a poorly developed vertical chemical zonation and emphasizes the need for independent hydrometric information for a complete characterization of watershed hydrology and chemistry.
Based on the discussion on Germany´s new 'central location', the author tries to sketch Germany´s geopolitical position in view of the constellation of powers in Europe from a national point of view. This favourable position offers a great chance for the country to play an active role in Europe’s integration. However, German historical heritage as well as the delicate relationship of Germany´s political elite to the use of power are reasons for the country´s hesitation to fulfill her neighbours’ and her allies’ expectations. Anyhow, Summaries 192 rooted in the West-European and transatlantic integration is Germany the natural dooropener for its Eastern, South-Eastern and Baltic neighbours to become 'members of the club'. )</a> Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
The Chinese coastal cities play an increasing economic role in the Yellow Sea region. The inclusion of these cities into the intra Asian economic cooperation is accomplished not only in the conventional sphere of trade but also by a growing involvement in telecommunication networks, technological exchange and the circulation of human resources. That is why these cities emerge as autonomous actors in the East Asian integration process. In this context national states face deep structural change, especially in the field of sovereignty and territory. Concerning the internal situation of China, this change could also cause a turn over of the relationship between the central government and the regions.
The article argues that the concept of statehood is not functioning any longer. It exists a crisis for the international legal order which is represented by the failure of state to maintain order within its borders. The problem of violence in international relations are connected to the implosion of a considerable number of the state entities in the contemporary international society. The federalist institutional approach in international law and international theory could not contribute in an appropriate way to the solution of the "problem of violence", because it supposes a willingness on the part of states to do so. Only the concept of "national interest", in a sociological sense, connected to the development of a discource of solidarity and mutual responsibility between the "West" and the "rest of the world" offers the possibility to create a common consciousness which could make it easier to overcome the contemporary crises for the international legal order.
The failure of politics is closely connected with deeply rooted misconceptions about the term politics. The author argues that a re-reading of Immanuel Kant's work "The Perpetual Peace" written 200 years ago offers a challenging possibility for a new conceptualization of politics, morality and peace. Morality is seen by Kant as an essential dimension of politics and the implementation and acknowledgement of laws by moral demands is defined as a precondition for a community of free citizens. In its public discourse politics does require law and morality. Deriving future rights from existing laws is one of the most favored argumentation used by politicians in the public. If the needs of law and justice are interpretated by politicians in their own interest, i.e. above all guarantees for the realization of political selfdetermination, then a real chance will exist for improving peace in the future.
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
Many methods have been proposed for the stabilization of higher index differential-algebraic equations (DAEs). Such methods often involve constraint differentiation and problem stabilization, thus obtaining a stabilized index reduction. A popular method is Baumgarte stabilization, but the choice of parameters to make it robust is unclear in practice. Here we explain why the Baumgarte method may run into trouble. We then show how to improve it. We further develop a unifying theory for stabilization methods which includes many of the various techniques proposed in the literature. Our approach is to (i) consider stabilization of ODEs with invariants, (ii) discretize the stabilizing term in a simple way, generally different from the ODE discretization, and (iii) use orthogonal projections whenever possible. The best methods thus obtained are related to methods of coordinate projection. We discuss them and make concrete algorithmic suggestions.
A Hamiltonian system in potential form (formula in the original abstract) subject to smooth constraints on q can be viewed as a Hamiltonian system on a manifold, but numerical computations must be performed in Rn. In this paper methods which reduce "Hamiltonian differential algebraic equations" to ODEs in Euclidean space are examined. The authors study the construction of canonical parameterizations or local charts as well as methods based on the construction of ODE systems in the space in which the constraint manifold is embedded which preserve the constraint manifold as an invariant manifold. In each case, a Hamiltonian system of ordinary differential equations is produced. The stability of the constraint invariants and the behavior of the original Hamiltonian along solutions are investigated both numerically and analytically.
Many methods have been proposed for the simulation of constrained mechanical systems. The most obvious of these have mild instabilities and drift problems. Consequently, stabilization techniques have been proposed A popular stabilization method is Baumgarte's technique, but the choice of parameters to make it robust has been unclear in practice. Some of the simulation methods that have been proposed and used in computations are reviewed here, from a stability point of view. This involves concepts of differential-algebraic equation (DAE) and ordinary differential equation (ODE) invariants. An explanation of the difficulties that may be encountered using Baumgarte's method is given, and a discussion of why a further quest for better parameter values for this method will always remain frustrating is presented. It is then shown how Baumgarte's method can be improved. An efficient stabilization technique is proposed, which may employ explicit ODE solvers in case of nonstiff or highly oscillatory problems and which relates to coordinate projection methods. Examples of a two-link planar robotic arm and a squeezing mechanism illustrate the effectiveness of this new stabilization method.
The dramatic changes in international relations characterized by the terms "Complex Interdependence" and "Segmentary Globalization" call for new explanation. The author considers the post-modern approaches, a critical analysis of which he presents, to be one possibility to do that. In studies of international policy, these post-modern influences are gaining ground in disputes with realistic and neo-realistic approaches, and they can also clearly be felt in Latin America. Tomassini, based on the historic experiences of Latin America, forcefully calls for an active and constructive incorporation of the region into international developments. For that, Latin-American societies have to establish modern, and open political as well as economic systems which are able to meet those challenges.
Taking the visit of Erich Honecker to China as an example, the author analyses the bilateral GDR-Chinese relations in the 1980s. Based on extensive original research, the objectives as well as disappointed hopes are presented. The author reveals that not Honecker played the "Chinese Card", but he himself became part of Chinese politics. At the same time, the contradictory reaction to that visit in Moscow are documented when, with the election of Gorbachev, first signs of a change in Soviet policy toward China were indicated. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Underlying the importance of revenue the author discusses the future of the international order from the perspective of political economy. The international system will not be a capitalist one. Political conflicts will not be removed by nonviolent market regulations. Weakness of labour force and a dominant role of revenue will further more result in political interventions by nation states. The struggle for revenue to maintain comparative advantages in high-tech-development strengthens state intervention in order to protect domestic market. The failure of the "development state" in the third world and the rising of fundamentalistic tendencies supported by a market-oriented middle class will increase conflicts in those regions.
Although without providing a systematical comparison, it has become clear that the sects or party-factions of Japan’s New Left movement are by no means merely copies of their counterparts in the West. On the other hand their conduct may not be judged as to be a unique Japanese phenomenon. What they embody is, on the whole, a complex symbiosis of universal and particularly Japanese features, which can be observed in the fields of social behavior, organizational structure, and group dynamics. The particularity of the New Left factions is mostly revealed through the higher intensity of specific features rather than through pecularities found only in Japan.