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According to gender and labor market research, differentiation of male and female work is not primarily grounded in specific tasks but rather rooted in male and female features attributed to work. In this paper, the effects of classification patterns are related to the categories used in occupational statistics. According to this argument statistical patterns contribute to gradual processes of inclusion into society by categorizing people. Put more precisely, this process of "making up people" (Hacking 1986) is conflated with gendered views of persons. This conceptual conflation is examined in the historical context of emerging occupational statistics, social sciences, and law in Germany around 1900. Inasmuch as statistical observation differentiated between economically productive and non-productive work, gendered distinctions were deeply encoded in its categories. These distinctions were institutionalized by means of the social scientific definition of role models as well as legal codification. In the conclusion, the sociology of knowledge approach followed in this paper is extended toward a discussion of broader questions of inclusion and gender inequality. In order to explain the persistence of gendered classifications in the organization of work in society, further gender inequality research needs to account for the enduring social evidence and symbolic relevance of sex classifications at the meso and macro levels.
Cross-dressing took on new political meanings in Germany's Weimar Republic, with the emergence of organizations and periodicals aimed at promoting the interests of self-identified "transvestites." This new sexological category, developed by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1910, formed the basis for a shared sense of identity and belonging among individuals who identified as members of the "opposite" sex. Drawing on the experiences of the homosexual emancipation movement and discourses of bourgeois respectability, middle-class transvestites came together to demand legal and social recognition, including acknowledgement of "transsexual" desires. Their efforts represent a critical but forgotten moment in the history of transgender political activism.
Social Network Sites (SNSs) rely exclusively on user-generated content to offer engaging and rewarding experience to its members. As a result, stimulating user communication and self-disclosure is vital for the sustainability of SNSs. However, considering that the SNS users are increasingly culturally diverse, motivating this audience to self-disclose requires understanding of their cultural intricacies. Yet existing research offers only limited insights into the role of culture behind the motivation of SNS users to self-disclose. Building on the privacy calculus framework, this study explores the role of two cultural dimensions - individualism and uncertainty avoidance - in self-disclosure decisions of SNS users. Survey responses of US and German Facebook members are used as the basis for our analysis. Structural equation modeling and multi-group analysis results reveal the distinct role of culture in the cognitive patterns of SNS users. The authors find that trusting beliefs play a key role in the self-disclosure decisions of users from individualistic cultures. At the same time, uncertainty avoidance determines the impact of privacy concerns. This paper contributes to the theory by rejecting the universal nature of privacy calculus processes. The findings provide for an array of managerial implications for SNS providers as they strive to encourage content creation and sharing by their heterogeneous members.
This article distinguishes methodological problems in quality evaluation and measurement in two policy fields, namely higher education and public broadcasting. Both are characterized by similar external and internal basic conditions and are thus suitable for comparative research. The difficulties of quality measurement and evaluation are discussed with respect to three main features: (1) definition of quality, (2) operationalization of quality and (3) interpretation of quality. Furthermore the identified difficulties in both areas are not always the same, because they depend on different research criteria. Thus the debates of quality measurement and evaluation in higher education and public broadcasting can learn from each other and increase the understanding of quality measurement in general. In addition the comparative design provides opportunities for the development of methods and perspectives.
This article focuses on the emergence of a decentralized institutional complex, interplay management, and the institutional interplay between the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and the EU in the issue area of environmental shipping policies. It shows that the synergistic relationship between both institutions has been driven primarily by commitment and compliance mechanisms. By influencing IMO decision-making and improving the implementation and effectiveness of IMO conventions, the EU has become a driving force in international environmental shipping policies, and its new initiatives may even enhance its leadership role within the IMO in the future. Despite the still-existing lack of cognitive leadership by the EU, the synergies between both institutions provide evidence for the EU's leadership capacities in global environmental politics.
In dealing with surveillance, scholars have widely agreed to refute privacy as an analytical concept and defining theme. Nonetheless, in public debates, surveillance technologies are still confronted with issues of privacy, and privacy therefore endures as an empirical subject of research on surveillance. Drawing from our analysis of public discourse of so-called smart closed-circuit television (CCTV) in Germany, we propose to use a sociology of knowledge perspective to analyze privacy in order to understand how it is socially constructed and negotiated. Our data comprise 117 documents, covering all publicly available documents between 2006 and 2010 that we were able to obtain. We found privacy to be the only form of critique in the struggle for the legitimate definition of smart CCTV. In this paper, we discuss the implications our preliminary findings have for the relationship between privacy issues and surveillance technology and conclude with suggestions of how this relationship might be further investigated as paradoxical, yet constitutive.
The article argues that the uprisings during the Arab Spring as well as the riots in either the banlieues of French cities or in London have to be considered as violent conflicts that pose a serious threat to the social orders in which they emerge. These different kinds of social resistance have in common that they communicate more or less developed alternative conceptions of social orders that challenge what has been considered legitimate so far. Until now, sociology has neither successfully explained such kinds of conflicts nor the way they are triggered. Therefore, the article discusses crucial problems of a sociology of violence, i.e. violence as term and concept, theoretical and methodological deficits and, finally, assumptions about the role of violence in conflict-ridden processes of modernization and civilization in general. The article argues that a sociology of violence should concentrate on the nexus of social order and violence in order to explain how and why violent conflicts emerge in specific social contexts. Thus, a sociology of violence should take an effort to reconstruct the crucial social mechanisms that underlie the dynamics of emerging violence in processes of production and reproduction of social order.
One of the most striking features of recent public sector reform in Europe is privatization. This development raises questions of accountability: By whom and for what are managers of private for-profit organizations delivering public goods held accountable? Analyzing accountability mechanisms through the lens of an institutional organizational approach and on the empirical basis of hospital privatization in Germany, the article contributes to the empirical and theoretical understanding of public accountability of private actors. The analysis suggests that accountability is not declining but rather multiplying. The shifts in the locus and content of accountability cause organizational stress for private hospitals.
The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise 'neutral' democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus's own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies.
Political scientists regularly justify particular democratic institutions. This article explores two desiderata for such justifications. The first is a formal equality baseline which puts the burden of justification on those who favour more unequal institutions. This baseline is seen as an implication of the rule of law. The second desideratum, the comparison requirement, builds on the first: adequate justifications of particular institutions must compare them to the best alternative, and this comparison must consider the costs for political equality. The two desiderata are applied to political science debates about the proportionality of the electoral system and bicameral systems of legislative decision-making.
Benefit duration, unemployment duration and job match quality aregression-discontinuity approach
(2013)
We use a sharp discontinuity in the maximum duration of benefit entitlement to identify the effect of extended benefit duration on unemployment duration and post-unemployment outcomes (employment stability and re-employment wages). We address dynamic selection, which may arise even under an initially random assignment to treatment, estimating a bivariate discrete-time hazard model jointly with a wage equation and correlated unobservables. Owing to the non-stationarity of job search behavior, we find heterogeneous effects of extended benefit duration on the re-employment hazard and on job match quality. Our results suggest that the unemployed who find a job close to and after benefit exhaustion experience less stable employment patterns and receive lower re-employment wages compared to their counterparts who receive extended benefits and exit unemployment in the same period. These results are found to be significant for men but not for women.
Accountability can be conceptualized as institutionalized mechanisms obliging actors to explain their conduct to different forums, which can pose questions and impose sanctions. This article analyses different crises' in immigration policies in Norway, Denmark and Germany along a descriptive framework of five different accountability types: political, administrative, legal, professional and social accountability. The exchanges of information, debate and their consequences between an actor and a forum are crucial to understanding how political-administrative action is carried out in critical situations. First, accountability dynamics emphasize conventional norms and values regarding policy change and, second, formal political responsibility does not necessarily lead to political consequences such as minister resignations in cases of misbehaviour. Consequences strongly depend on how accountability dynamics take place.
The article explores how recent changes in the governance of employment services in three European countries (Denmark, Germany and Norway) have influenced accountability relationships. The overall assumption in the growing literature about accountability is that the number of actors involved in accountability arrangements is rising, that accountability relationships are becoming more numerous and complex, and that these changes may lead to contradictory accountability relationships, and finally to multi accountability disorder'. The article tries to explore these assumptions by analysing the different actors involved and the information requested in the new governance arrangements in all three countries. It concludes that the considerable changes in organizational arrangements and more managerial information demanded and provided have led to more shared forms of accountability. Nevertheless, a clear development towards less political or administrative accountability could not be observed.
The Westminster system places great power upon the Executive with minimal accountabilities. Despite the dissolution of the British Empire, so many countries maintained the Westminster system whether it was transplanted or implanted to their soil. The Westminster system provides various actors with a great potential of increasing power autonomy over others due to the high levels of flexibility and manoeuvrability. Political actors, especially following independence, were able to operate generally unencumbered by fixed and formal institutional expectations. This allowed the countries and their executive, particularly the Prime Minister, the ability to mould and establish constitutional traditions, which in turn shaped the nascent polity that surrounded the real and constitutional independence. This article examines the Westminster systems critical legacy to accountability and its impact on executive power.
Can PPPs make it anywhere? how limited statehood and other area factors influence PPP effectiveness
(2014)
Lernen von den Besten? Steuerung und Nutzung von Leistungsvergleichen in europäischen Verwaltungen
(2014)
Juan Jose Linz : Nachruf
(2013)
Indira Gandhi : ein Porträt
(2013)
Sansibar und der Klimawandel
(2013)
Vorwort
(2013)
Wie geht es weiter
(2011)
Organisationsstrukturen und ihr Einfluss auf die Karriereentwicklung von Wissenschaftlerinnen
(2011)
Vorwort
(2011)
Einleitung
(2012)
Einleitung
(2012)
Societal integration of Turkish immigrants with higher education does not go hand in hand with cultural assimilation. Educational success is accompanied by the individual-strategic integration of German and Turkish identity attributes, because new diversity management concepts of international organizations are offering new career opportunities. The process of social-emotional integration is "selective" as well, because socialization of Turkish students in German educational institutions leads to disaffection with their ethnical heritage and their social connections to German communities remains incomplete. Questions of cultural-authentic integration, connected with a strong bias for individualism, are answered by a new culture of immigration beyond class and ethnic community. Communicative Integration, enabled by public discourse, is causing a distancing from German and Turkish life-worlds. Turkish immigrants with a higher education do not accept a categorization of themselves through ethnic characterization; instead they construct hybrid identities, post-traditional communities, and active trust through the process of reflexive integration.
Strategisches Managment
(2011)
Neue Haushaltssteuerung
(2011)
Ausbildung und Fortbildung
(2011)
Vorwort
(2011)
In terms of the constructivist-orientated sociology of knowledge the social change of Christian religion turns out to be a reconstruction of central forms of knowledge. Mission and Ecumenism are two cornerstones of development This will be demonstrated using, Protestantism as an example. While the recourse on the notion of mission is enabling Christian religion to objectify itself as an integrative world religion against its societal environment, the Ecumenical leitmotif focuses on the denominational fragmented inner relations. Thereby Mission and Ecumenism are not only acting as semantics of,self-description. As distinct knowledge systems they are also standing for a programmatic change of the theological reservoir of knowledge.
Review article: Democratic inclusiveness : a reinterpretation of Lijphart's patterns of democracy
(2010)
This contribution to the study or democratic inclusiveness advances three main claims, based on Lijphart's original data First, his measurement of executive inclusiveness is incoherent and invalid. Secondly, executive inclusiveness is best explained by the interaction of many parties and strong legislative veto points. This implies that executive inclusiveness should not be contained in either of Lijphart's two dimensions of democracy. Thirdly, parties have incentives to economize on the costs of inclusive coalitions by avoiding strong legislative veto points, and these incentives are greater in parliamentary than in presidential systems. Hence. Lijphart's favourite version of consensus democracy - characterized by a parliamentary system and a high degree of executive inclusiveness - is unlikely to be a behavioural-institutional equilibrium.
This article addresses the different institutional and cultural contexts which must be considered when implementing E-Government in sub-Saharan Africa. Although E-Government is a global phenomenon, simply transferring ICT solutions and related organizational concepts from developed to developing countries seems inappropriate. E-Government undoubtedly has the potential to reduce administrative and development problems. However, it is obvious that compared to developed countries, additional effort is necessary when implementing E-Government in developing countries. More than in developed countries, the different initial institutional, cultural, and wider administrative contexts must be considered to avoid unintended effects. It is oversimplifying the issue to merely state that E-Government projects fail in Africa and other developing regions. Although E-Government in African countries lags far behind developed countries, this should be considered more as a state failure or lack of capacity in general. In particular, the different administrative contexts and rationalities must be taken into an account when implementing E-Government projects and strategies. Therefore, especially for African countries, a context-oriented approach seems to be a more promising route to the successful implementation of E-Government. The results of this approach may not seem ambitious from a western perspective, but could contribute to the solution of real-life and development problems in African societies.
This article discusses how much the clean development mechanism (CDM) can contribute to the deployment of renewable energies (RE) in China. While there are at least two general barriers to utilizing CDM finance for RE deployment - namely high project costs and the proof of additionality - this article argues that an appropriate national regulation Can lead RE technologies to a stage of commercialisation at which CDM financing can become crucial. For an assessment of the current policy mix in place in China for the deployment of renewable energies, the article compares the national Chinese regulations for renewable energies and China's specific CDM rules for their impact: where do general and CDM-specific regulations for the promotion of renewable energies provide synergies, where does the policy- making on these two levels collide?
Manuscript Type: Empirical Research Question/Issue: Why do firms in China, which has a higher level of economic development, communicate less CSR than firms in India? We use a model that includes country-, industry-, and firm-level factors to predict CSR communications intensity, a proxy for CSR activities. Research Findings/Insights: Using data on 68 of the largest multinational companies in China and India, our study shows that Indian firms communicate more CSR primarily due to a more rule-based, as opposed to relation-based, governance environment. Firms in the manufacturing industry tend to communicate more CSR. Firm-level characteristics such as size, duality of CEO and board chairperson, and percentage of external members on the board also have a significant influence on CSR communications. Theoretical/ Academic Implications: The main theoretical contribution of our study is to bring a three-level perspective, relying not only on firm- and industry-specific factors, but also on the governance environment, to the study of firms' CSR behavior. We show that the national governance environment dominates the national income level in affecting CSR communications intensity. We demonstrate that the macro institutional environment in a country strongly affects firm CSR behavior. Our findings suggest that CSR should be studied by considering multilevel antecedents. Practitioner/Policy Implications: Our study suggests that in order to improve the CSR of firms, policy makers in India and China must first try to improve public governance at the national level. Executives doing business with Chinese and Indian companies need to better understand the contrasting governance and their effects on the CSR practices in each country. For the international community and those concerned about product safety and other social issues related to China and India, our findings suggest that improvement will not be immediate since the governance environment changes relatively slowly.
This article examines the relation between policies, institutions and time by addressing the case of eastern enlargement policy and the European Commission. Our main question is how the special challenges and requirements of EU eastern enlargement policy impacted on the administrative level of the Commission, i.e. the level in charge of structuring, monitoring and steering the policy's implementation. We provide empirical data on institutional change in the Commission from the mid-1990s until 2004 and examine temporal categories at both the policy level and the institutional level. This analysis shows that - especially the temporal - requirements of enlargement policy drove the Commission to adapt its internal organization and time management; internal structures and procedures changed; actors were bound in a temporal grid. This allowed the mobilization of the actors and the in-time synchronization of their input. On the whole, our results open a new perspective on institutional change and time in the context of European governance.
Many parliamentary systems are marked by regular periods of higher and lower legislative activity. This legislation cycle is characterized by an increase in the legislative output shortly ahead of elections and a decrease in legislative initiatives in the second half of the legislative term. This article shows that legislative cycles at the European level are different. First, it shows that the initiation of legislation peaks at the end of parliamentary terms rather than at the beginning. Second, the article shows that the adoption of legislation is only partially connected to the electoral cycle. Instead, the reallocation of agenda powers within the European Parliament twice during a legislature better explains the timing of the adoption of bills than the end of Parliament's term. This finding is especially relevant for legislation adopted under the co-decision procedure. The 'procedural cartel theory' of Cox and McCubbins (2005) combined with the 'economic theory of legislation' provide the theoretical basis that may explain this finding.
Preferential trade agreements pose a big challenge for the multilateral trading system. Throughout the first decade of the twenty-first century, their number has grown significantly. However, these agreements have a range of disadvantages compared with the multilateral regime, for example, in trade facilitation and in dispute settlement. Whereas it will be difficult to stop the further spreading of this wave of preferential agreements, attempts can be made to reduce the negative effects of trade agreements that do, by definition, discriminate against other countries. In this article, a range of potential remedies are discussed, from a moratorium to the better enforcement of World Trade Organization rules on preferential agreements as well as improved monitoring.
Praktische Fragen und theoretische Antworten : 50 Jahre Policy-Analyse und Verwaltungsforschung
(2009)
Personalmanagment
(2011)
Neues Steuerungsmodell
(2011)
Das vorliegende Papier wurde im Auftrag der Gesellschaft für Fachdidaktik (GFD) von Bernd Muszynski (Politikdidaktik/Universität Potsdam), Jakob Ossner (Deutschdidaktik/ PH St. Gallen), Martin Rothgangel, (ev. Religionspädagogik/Universität Göttingen), Horst Schecker (Physikdidaktik/Universität Bremen), Helmut J. Vollmer (Englischdidaktik/Universität Osnabrück) verfasst. - Zusammenfassung: Trotz der Forderung der Expertise von Klieme u.a. (2003), dass es zu den Aufgaben der nächsten Zeit gehöre, Mindeststandards zu formulieren, liegen bis heute nur die 2003/04 formulierten Regelstandards der KMK vor. Mit dem vorliegenden Papier versucht die Gesellschaft für Fachdidaktik (GFD), die Diskussion über Mindeststandards voranzubringen. Dabei werden Mindeststandards mit dem Ziel der individuellen Entfaltung und gesellschaftlichen Partizipation unter Berücksichtigung unterschiedlicher Modi der Weltbegegnung ausgewiesen. Die Bezugnahme auf die Modi der Weltbegegnung, wie sie Baumert (2002) in die Diskussion eingeführt hat, garantiert, dass ein breites Verständnis von Bildung auch den Mindeststandards zu Grunde gelegt wird. Unter dieser Perspektive werden im Rahmen der Anerkennung einer Fachlichkeit von Bildungsprozessen nicht nur einzelfachliche, sondern vor allem auch fachübergreifende Zugänge erforderlich mit der Konsequenz, ein auf Mindeststandards hin ausgerichtetes Kerncurriculum über die Einzelfächer hinaus einzuführen. Hinzu kommen überfachliche Standards wie Teamfähigkeit, Konfliktfähigkeit etc., die zwar auch in Fächern aufgebaut, die aber zugleich von der Institution Schule als Ganzes verantwortet werden müssen. Mindeststandards sind nach Auffassung der GFD als normative Setzungen zu sehen, die das Recht des Einzelnen auf grundlegende Bildung fokussieren und den Anspruch der Gesellschaft an die Institution Schule, dies für jedermann zu gewährleisten. Schulunterricht muss explizit solche Kompetenzen, die alle Schülerinnen und Schüler als Mindestmaß für die eigene individuelle Entfaltung und die gesellschaftliche Partizipation sowie als Grundlage für lebenslanges Lernen erwerben müssen, über Schularten hinweg stärker in den Blick nehmen und sichern.