Internet Macht Politik 48 (2005)
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Institute
Konferenzen
(2005)
Der Realität ins Gesicht schauen „Nahes Ausland“ vs. „Neue Nachbarn“ – Integrationsstreit zwischen Russland und der EU?. Potsdamer Frühjahrsgespräche der Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden (SEF) in Kooperation mit dem Renner-Istitut (Wien) und WeltTrends, Potsdam, 14.–16. April 2005 Never Special, but Ryan Air will help us “Revisiting German-British Relations”, Seminar at the University of Birmingham, Octobre 28–29, 2004 Constitution is a Good Thing „Escaping from History: Britain and Germany in Today’s Europe"; Vortrag des ehemaligen britischen Außenministers Lord Douglas Hurd, Konrad- Adenauer-Akademie Berlin, 18. April 2005 Grenzen erkennen und überschreiten „Neue Deutsche Außenpolitik. Die Bundesrepublik zwischen Europa und Amerika?“, erste Jahrestagung des CSP-Netzwerks für internationale Politik und Zusammenarbeit, 4. November 2004 Organisierte Unaufrichtigkeit „Die politische Ökonomie der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion“, Tagung der DVPW-Sektion Politik und Ökonomie, Max-Planck-Institut, Köln, 3. Dezember 2004 Diplomatie vor dem Ende „Der Weg in die deutsche Einheit 1989/ 90. Außen- und deutschlandpolitische Aktivitäten zur Überwindung der deutschen Zweistaatlichkeit“, 8. Potsdamer Kolloquium zur Außen- und Deutschlandpolitik der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Brandenburg), Helle Panke (Berlin) und des Verbandes für Internationale Politik und Völkerrecht e.V., Potsdam, 4. und 5. November 2004
Rezensionen: Schmidt, Helmut (2004): Die Mächte der Zukunft. Gewinner und Verlierer in der Welt von morgen, München: Siedler Verlag, 239 S., ISBN 3-88680- 817-3 Maurer, Andreas (2002): Parlamentarische Demokratie in der Europäischen Union. Der Beitrag des Europäischen Parlaments und der nationalen Parlamente, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 439 S., ISBN 3-7890- 8235-X Bauman, Zygmunt (2003): Der Mensch im Globalisierungskäfig, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 220 S, ISBN 3-5181-2125-1 Kreutz, Christian (2003): Protestnetzwerke. Eine neue Dimension transnationaler Zivilgesellschaft?, Münster u. a.: LIT-Verlag, 152 S., ISBN 3-8258- 7069-3 Held, David (2004): Global Covenant. The Social Democratic Alternative to the Washington Consensus, Cambridge: Polity Press, 191 S., ISBN 0- 7456 3353-6 Arnold, Hans (2004): Wie viel Einigung braucht Europa? Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 208 S., ISBN 3-7700- 1180-5 Thurow, Lester (2004): Die Zukunft der Weltwirtschaft, Frankfurt am Main/ New York: Campus Verlag, 352 S., ISBN 3-593-37401-3 Annotationen: Bilgeri, Alexander/Alexander Wolf (2004): Diplomatie digital – Neue Kommunikationswege der internationalen Politik, Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich, 124 S., ISBN 3-938094-09-5 Gottschlich, Jürgen (2004): Die Türkei auf dem Weg nach Europa. Ein Land im Aufbruch, Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 183 S., ISBN 3-86153-330-8 Schröter, Lothar (Hrsg.) (2005): Europa und Militär. Europäische Friedenspolitik oder Militarisierung der EU? Schkeuditz: Schkeuditzer Buchverlag, 169 S., ISBN 3-935530-40-4 Hans J. Giessmann (Hrsg.), Security Handbook 2004 – The Twin Enlargement of NATO and EU, DSF Band 168 der Reihe Demokratie, Sicherheit, Frieden, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft 2004, 304 S., ISBN 3- 8329-0880-3
Rezensierte Literatur: Bieber, Christoph (2003): Das Internet als Präsentations- oder Repräsentationsraum. Kommunikation in politischen Online-Versammlungen, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg), S. 139-153. Gellner, Winand/Strohmeier, Gerd (Hrsg.) (2003): Repräsentation und Präsentation in der Mediengesellschaft, PIN-Jahrbuch 2003, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. Herzog, Roland/Hoffmann, Bert/Schulz, Markus (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Einleitung und Vergleichende Betrachtung, Band 1 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag Hoffmann, Bert (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Costa Rica, Band 2 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag. Mai, Manfred (2003): Das Parlament in der Mediengesellschaft. Parlamentarische Debatte oder Talk-Show, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg.), S. 13-27. Schaper-Rinkel, Petra (2003): Die europäische Informationsgesellschaft. Technologische und politische Integration in der europäischen Politik, Münster: Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot.
Following an interpretive sociological approach, the article analyses the rise and transformation of the UÇK in terms of social order and the resulting implications for a solution of the Kosovo status question. Combining Elias’ concept of society with Bourdieu’s categories of capital, the development of the UÇK can be “understood” from an interpretive point of view. In the social space of war, the UÇK rose as a result of increasing capital. As the war ended, the UÇK fell apart because it was unable to accomplish the indispensable functions of any social order.
The way in which predominantly Muslim states deal with modernity is strongly influenced by the characteristics of Islamic Law. The Sharia reflects in the most obvious way the lack of separation between secular and religious issues inherent in Islamic doctrine. The article analyses the evolution of law in the Muslim world and illustrates its continuous oscillation between the obligation to stick to the God-given rules and the need to adapt to changes of living conditions.
The authors argue that the public opinion and the discourse of political elites differ significantly within the Franco-German debate on the Constitutional Treaty of the EU. Moreover, the article shows that the discussion reflects different conceptions of European politics. These differences lead to the claim that the co-operation and the leading role of Germany and France in the EU have to be re-defined. This has to occur in the context of a politicisation of European politics, which is crucial for the future of the enlarged European Union.
The Polish discourse about the European Constitution has one feature in common with the discourses of other member states: it deals with everything but the text of the Constitution Treaty itself. At its core it oscillates between the Polish striving for power in the EU and the toleration for cultural difference in Europe. The opposite of the latter has been particularly significant during the referendum debates in France and the Netherlands, which let to the rejection of the constitutional treaty.
The negative vote of the French population to the European Constitution shocked the European politics. It shifted the power constellations within the Union. By giving historical examples, the author explains that the refusal of the French population is not a new phenomenon. As a result, the article suggests to slow down the European integration process in order to prevent further setbacks.
EU-Verfassung im Härtetest
(2005)
The author discusses the failure of the EU-Constitution plebiscite in France and focuses on the different arguments brought forward in the French debate over the EU-Constitution. The draft of the Convent was a complex volume full of compromises. However, in comparison with the Treaty of Nice, it would have been a starting point for achieving a direct trans-national democracy. According to the author, the referendum only failed due to some unique plebiscite elements that were instrumentalised by governments which had overestimated themselves.
This article compares two theoretical concepts of international relations: the Soft-Powermodel by Joseph S. Nye and the Turbulence-model by James N. Rosenau. They are both trying to study the impact of the revolution in information- and communication-techniques. Although both concepts are far-reaching in their explanations there are questions in both concepts that remain unanswered. The author tries to cover these gaps by turning to the other model, respectively.
The author discusses the issue whether the internet and other electronic sources should be used for elections. Online-elections can make the electoral process not only less complex but also cheaper, thus the analysis faster and more reliable. The lower costs could, in turn, lead to a new impulse on direct-democracy-instruments. Comparing the USA, Great Britain, Germany and Switzerland the article provides information about national strategies, discourses and problems, and shows the different political and cultural settings.
The internet offers citizens new possibilities to participate in political communication by setting topics on the agenda of public discussion that are neglected by the conventional media. The article examines if and how the topics of the new emerging political public on the web differ from the topics generated by traditional media. The empirical analysis reveals that the topics are mostly the same. However, the analysis also shows that a clear separate public sphere exists that deals with topics outside the political mainstream.
Academics have been arguing about the political and social changes initiated by communication technologies for more than hundred years. Internet-politics does not have the potential to form a new digital culture of deliberation. The existing background of communication culture is a very important variable which has not been incorporated before. The author suggests five different concepts of politics based on the internet. The model of digital democracy provides a basis for exploring the interconnection between internetbased politics and change in political and communication culture. Digital democracy has the potential to make a difference in public deliberation; however, it needs concerned elites and prudent governance.
Editorial
(2005)
This article asks how the internet has been contributing to the trans-national networking of the radical right and whether the radical right has the capacity to act as a trans-national movement. Taking into account language difficulties, the ideological background of ultra- nationalism and internal disputes, the analysis shows that the radical right-wing transnational networking has hardly developed. Additionally, its internet users’ potential is too low to contribute to a stronger trans-national alignment. The obstacles remain despite improved technological possibilities. This is proven by empirical examples of virtual trans-national networks.
Beginning with the year 2000, the political society of South Korea has undergone a development towards more transparency. The increasing emergence of civil organizations as well as their new-orientation favoured the development of an alternative “online-public” which tries to mediate between the public’s interests and the state. The influence of this online-public, who profits from the fast and various ways of communication via internet, is best shown by some successful examples of online-action in the economic and the political sector. This gives credence to Dick Morris’ postulated rise of the internet to be the “fifth power” of the state.