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- climate policy (30) (entfernen)
Klima nach Kopenhagen
(2010)
Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik, sehr harte sogar. Das zeigte der Gipfel in Kopenhagen. Als es zu konkreten Abmachungen kommen sollte, wurde gefeilscht, blockiert und schließlich ein nichts sagendes Papier verlesen. Im Schwerpunkt dieses Heftes analysieren Experten die Ursachen für das Scheitern in Kopenhagen und die Konsequenzen für die künftige Klimapolitik. Sie fragen nach der Rolle solcher Akteure wie China und Indien und der NGO, sie diskutieren den Faktor Klima in der Entwicklungspolitik und machen Vorschläge zur Finanzierung der Klimapolitik. Zudem setzen wir in diesem Heft den Streitplatz über die nationalen Interessen Deutschlands fort. In der Analyse wird die Frage nach der Zukunft der deutschen Wehrpflicht gestellt; in den WeltBlick nehmen wir die krisengeschüttelte EU, Ungarn nach den Wahlen und die Friedensproblematik in Kolumbien.
Die Zivilgesellschaft hat dazu beigetragen, dass die Klimakonferenz in
Kopenhagen zu einem Medienereignis wurde. Fernab großer Demonstrationen
haben Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NRO) seit Jahren
einen guten Zugang zu den internationalen Klimaverhandlungen. Am
Beispiel von Chile wird gezeigt, wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen
durch professionellen Lobbyismus ihre Positionen in politische Prozesse
einspeisen. Sie befinden sich in einem Spannungsfeld von Kooperation
und Instrumentalisierung durch politische Entscheidungsträger.
Gescheiterte Klimapolitik?
(2012)
Der Kopenhagener Klimagipfel 2009 ist mit Spannung erwartet worden.
Erreicht wurde lediglich ein Minimalkonsens. Der Autor liefert eine
akteurszentrierte Deutung des Kopenhagener Abkommens und stellt die
Frage nach dem Präzedenzcharakter der Verhandlungen: Handelte es sich
um ein einmaliges Versagen multilateraler Diplomatie oder um einen
Vorgeschmack auf die weltpolitische Routine des 21. Jahrhunderts?
Klimapolitik International
(2012)
Der Klimawandel birgt globale Risiken. Dies ist weithin anerkannt. Umstritten ist die Frage, wie diesen Gefahren zu begegnen ist. 14 Jahre nach Kyoto ist klar: Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik. Das zeigte zuletzt die UN-Klimakonferenz 2011 in Durban mit ihren unverbindlichen Ergebnissen. In diesem Sammelband analysieren Experten Ursachen für das Scheitern der vergangenen Klima-Konferenzen und Konsequenzen für die künftige Klimapolitik. Insbesondere geht es um die Politik der Akteure China und Indien, um die Rolle der NGOs und die Klimafrage in der Entwicklungspolitik. Zugleich wird die deutsche Klimapolitik diskutiert und die Politik Brandenburgs von der verantwortlichen Ministerin vorgestellt.
China und Indien
(2012)
Der Artikel analysiert die neue Rolle aufsteigender Schwellenländer
in den internationalen Klimaverhandlungen am Beispiel Chinas und
Indiens. Die Ablehnung verbindlicher Reduktionsziele für Treibhausgase
wurde in Kopenhagen als Blockadepolitik beider Länder gewertet.
China und Indien können sich in ihrer Position behaupten, da ihr
gestiegenes Gewicht in der multipolaren Weltordnung und die Untätigkeit
führender Industrieländer ihre Verhandlungsposition stärkt. Die
Autorin diskutiert Kooperationsmöglichkeiten auf subnationaler Ebene,
die die Blockadeposition nationaler Regierungen umgehen können.
In diesem einleitenden Beitrag des Themenschwerpunktes wird der
Hintergrund der internationalen Klimaverhandlungen erläutert und
die Ergebnisse des Kopenhagen-Akkords vorgestellt. Angesichts des
Scheiterns der Kopenhagener Konferenz muss die zeitnahe Schließung
eines rechtlich bindenden, globalen Klimaabkommens als unwahrscheinlich
gelten. Die Klimapolitik wird zukünftig verstärkt auf nationalstaatlicher
und transnationaler Ebene erfolgen.
Abschied von KyotoPlus?
(2012)
Die Ergebnisse des Klimagipfels von Kopenhagen sind eine bittere
Enttäuschung für die EU. Ihr ist es nicht gelungen, ihren Führungsambitionen
beim globalen Klimaschutz gerecht zu werden und die
Konferenz zur Weichenstellung für ein rechtsverbindliches Klimaabkommen
nach 2012 zu nutzen. Damit steht die Union vor grundlegenden
strategischen Fragen zum Kurs ihrer Klimapolitik.
Wie Klimaschutz finanzieren?
(2012)
Zur Finanzierung von Klimaschutz müssen öffentliche Mittel gezielt
eingesetzt werden. Dies beinhaltet auch die Rahmenbedingungen für
private Finanzströme signifikant zu verbessern. Anhand einer Problemanalyse
bestimmen die Autoren Eckdaten für diese Hebelwirkung.
Öffentliche Anschubfinanzierung kann somit die Grundlage für private
Investitionen sein. Dies wird exemplarisch an der Internationalen
Klimaschutzinitiative des Bundesumweltministeriums diskutiert.
Der Autor diskutiert die Chancen und Risiken bei der Einbindung
des Südens in die internationale Klimapolitik. Lange Zeit hatten die
Entwicklungsländer am wenigsten zum Klimawandel beigetragen,
wären aber am stärksten von ihm betroffen. Mittlerweile jedoch tragen
diese Länder in erheblichem Maße selbst zum Klimawandel bei. Allerdings
setzen deren Regierungen auf Zeit. Sie erwarten Ressourcentransfers.
Dies verstärkt auch alte Probleme des ‚Rent-Seeking‘.
Klimapolitik am Ende?
(2012)
Einleitung
(2012)
The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is a prominent example of the mix of public and private authority in global climate policy-making. While national governments hold the supreme authority in the CDM, the oversight and daily supervision of the project-based mechanism have been delegated via an intergovernmental body to private corporations that evaluate the environmental performance of individual CDM projects. By focusing on the CDM as a particular instance of private authority in global climate governance, this article analyses the consequences associated with the delegation of authority to private actors. The article critically assesses the role of private auditing corporations, labelled Designated Operational Entities, in the regulatory framework of the CDM and points to serious trade-offs which accompany the privatisation of authority. The article's findings suggest that the promise of innovative modes of governance to increase the effectiveness of international regulation is seriously compromised by the profit-seeking behaviour of private actors. Hence, the article underscores the need to reconsider the balance between public and private authority in global (climate) governance.
Developed countries have relied heavily on aid budgets to fulfill their pledges to boost funding for addressing climate change in developing countries. However, little is known about how interaction between aid and other ministries has shaped contributors' diverse approaches to climate finance. This paper investigates intra-governmental dynamics in decision-making on climate finance in seven contributor countries (Australia, Denmark, Germany, Japan, Switzerland, the UK, and the US). While aid agencies retained considerable control over implementation, environment and finance ministries have played an influential and often contrasting role on key policy issues, including distribution between mitigation and adaptation and among geographical regions. (C) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Predicting Paris: Multi-Method Approaches to Forecast the Outcomes of Global Climate Negotiations
(2016)
We examine the negotiations held under the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention of Climate Change in Paris, December 2015. Prior to these negotiations, there was considerable uncertainty about whether an agreement would be reached, particularly given that the world’s leaders failed to do so in the 2009 negotiations held in Copenhagen. Amid this uncertainty, we applied three different methods to predict the outcomes: an expert survey and two negotiation simulation models, namely the Exchange Model and the Predictioneer’s Game. After the event, these predictions were assessed against the coded texts that were agreed in Paris. The evidence suggests that combining experts’ predictions to reach a collective expert prediction makes for significantly more accurate predictions than individual experts’ predictions. The differences in the performance between the two different negotiation simulation models were not statistically significant.
Reaching the Sustainable Development Goals requires a fundamental socio-economic transformation accompanied by substantial investment in low-carbon infrastructure. Such a sustainability transition represents a non-marginal change, driven by behavioral factors and systemic interactions. However, typical economic models used to assess a sustainability transition focus on marginal changes around a local optimum, whichby constructionlead to negative effects. Thus, these models do not allow evaluating a sustainability transition that might have substantial positive effects. This paper examines which mechanisms need to be included in a standard computable general equilibrium model to overcome these limitations and to give a more comprehensive view of the effects of climate change mitigation. Simulation results show that, given an ambitious greenhouse gas emission constraint and a price of carbon, positive economic effects are possible if (1) technical progress results (partly) endogenously from the model and (2) a policy intervention triggering an increase of investment is introduced. Additionally, if (3) the investment behavior of firms is influenced by their sales expectations, the effects are amplified. The results provide suggestions for policy-makers, because the outcome indicates that investment-oriented climate policies can lead to more desirable outcomes in economic, social and environmental terms.
Reaching the Sustainable Development Goals requires a fundamental socio-economic transformation accompanied by substantial investment in low-carbon infrastructure. Such a sustainability transition represents a non-marginal change, driven by behavioral factors and systemic interactions. However, typical economic models used to assess a sustainability transition focus on marginal changes around a local optimum, whichby constructionlead to negative effects. Thus, these models do not allow evaluating a sustainability transition that might have substantial positive effects. This paper examines which mechanisms need to be included in a standard computable general equilibrium model to overcome these limitations and to give a more comprehensive view of the effects of climate change mitigation. Simulation results show that, given an ambitious greenhouse gas emission constraint and a price of carbon, positive economic effects are possible if (1) technical progress results (partly) endogenously from the model and (2) a policy intervention triggering an increase of investment is introduced. Additionally, if (3) the investment behavior of firms is influenced by their sales expectations, the effects are amplified. The results provide suggestions for policy-makers, because the outcome indicates that investment-oriented climate policies can lead to more desirable outcomes in economic, social and environmental terms.
To reach its climate targets, the European Union has to implement a major sustainability transition in the coming decades. While the socio-technical change required for this transition is well discussed in the academic literature, the economics that go along with it are often reduced to a cost-benefit perspective of climate policy measures. By investigating climate change mitigation as a coordination problem, this thesis offers a novel perspective: It integrates the economic and the socio-technical dimension and thus allows to better understand the opportunities of a sustainability transition in Europe.
First, a game theoretic framework is developed to illustrate coordination on green or brown investment from an agent perspective. A model based on the coordination game "stag hunt" is used to discuss the influence of narratives and signals for green investment as a means to coordinate expectations towards green growth. Public and private green investment impulses – triggered by credible climate policy measures and targets – serve as an example for a green growth perspective for Europe in line with a sustainability transition. This perspective also embodies a critical view on classical analyses of climate policy measures.
Secondly, this analysis is enriched with empirical results derived from stakeholder involvement. In interviews and with a survey among European insurance companies, coordination mechanisms such as market and policy signals are identified and evaluated by their impact on investment strategies for green infrastructure. The latter, here defined as renewable energy, electricity distribution and transmission as well as energy efficiency improvements, is considered a central element of the transition to a low-carbon society.
Thirdly, this thesis identifies and analyzes major criticisms raised towards stakeholder involvement in sustainability science. On a conceptual level, different ways of conducting such qualitative research are classified. This conceptualization is then evaluated by scientists, thereby generating empirical evidence on ideals and practices of stakeholder involvement in sustainability science.
Through the combination of theoretical and empirical research on coordination problems, this thesis offers several contributions: On the one hand, it outlines an approach that allows to assess the economic opportunities of sustainability transitions. This is helpful for policy makers in Europe that are striving to implement climate policy measures addressing the targets of the Paris Agreement as well as to encourage a shift of investments towards green infrastructure. On the other hand, this thesis enhances the stabilization of the theoretical foundations in sustainability science. Therefore, it can aid researchers who involve stakeholders when studying sustainability transitions.
This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between ‘beneficiaries’ and ‘losers’ of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis.