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The rising standard language in Early New High German (1350–1650) provides particularly interesting cases for the question of missing heads on all levels of language structure. A well-known example are subordinate clauses lacking a finite auxiliary verb, traditionally called Afinite Constructions. Based on new data, drawn from two treebanks of Early New High German, the present paper will briefly sketch the distribution of ACs, before establishing that they are in fact a type of ellipsis and do not cluster with other non-finite clauses in German. The remainder of the paper addresses the question what kind of information is missing in ACs and how this information is retrieved. Obviously, auxiliary drop in ENHG represents a type of ellipsis rarely attested in present-day German.
Das Bewegungsverb gehen liegt im Gegenwartsdeutschen in zwei Ausprägungen vor: Neben der Vollverbvariante gibt es eine semi-auxiliare Verwendung von gehen mit aspektueller Bedeutung. Diese Annahme ist in der Literatur zum Gegenwartsdeutschen durchaus umstritten. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird auf der Grundlage von Daten aus dem Gegenwartsdeutschen dafür argumentiert, dass gehen in Verbindung mit einem Infinitiv tatsächlich als semi-auxiliares Verb mit aspektueller Bedeutung behandelt werden muss. Die Auswertung von Daten aus der deutschen Sprachgeschichte vom Althochdeutschen bis zum Gegenwartsdeutschen liefert die Grundlage für die Herausarbeitung von einzelnen Stadien in der Geschichte des semi-auxiliaren Verbs gehen, die unterschiedliche Grade seiner Auxiliarisierung anzeigen. Die noch im Mittelhochdeutschen zu beobachtende Alternation des infiniten Komplements zwischen Präsenspartizip und Infinitiv lässt sich auf die lautlich bedingte Mehrdeutigkeit infiniter Komplemente zurückführen, die im Deutschen letztendlich zum Verlust des Partizips als verbaler Kategorie führt.
The present paper looks into the grammaticalization of the definite article in the history of German. Starting with the well-known emergence of the definite article from a demonstrative pronoun over the course of Old High German (750–1050), I will consider the rise of so-called weak definites in Early New High German (1350–1650) as a new piece of evidence for the grammaticalization process. Here, the subclass of possessive weak definites is of particular interest for the grammaticalization of the definite article in German, because of a word order change affecting the position of possessor phrases. As soon as the possessor systematically follows the head noun (except for proper names), we observe three alternatives for the prenominal determiner slot: it may remain empty, or it may be filled either by the indefinite or the definite article in Early New High German. In Present-Day German, the definite article is used in the unmarked case, thus pointing to a second stage in the grammaticalization process of the definite article in German, which has so far not been acknowledged in the literature.
The point of departure of this paper is the claim by Heyvaert, Maekelberghe & Buyle (2019) that the suffix -ing has no aspectual meaning in English gerunds. Rather, the interpretation of nominal and verbal gerunds depends, so they argue, on situation or viewpoint aspect, a claim that contradicts the wide-spread view that the aspectual meaning of English gerunds is brought about by the nominalizing suffix. The present paper addresses the issue from a comparative perspective, focusing on German ung-nominals: while they share aspectual features with their English counterparts, empirical evidence from productivity, distribution, and argument linking shows (i) that the derivational suffix -ung imposes aspectual restrictions on possible verb bases, and (ii) that with respect to argument linking, the deverbal nominal favors the state component of a complex event predicate over its process component. From the historical record of German, we learn that these aspectual restrictions do not hold for ung-nominals in earlier periods of German. With the rise of aspectual restrictions, the nominalization pattern turns more nominal resulting in a position further towards the nominal end of the deverbalization continuum. It appears, then, that it is only in the historical pariods of German that ung-nominals pattern with English nominals as regards their aspectual features. Currently, German ung-nominals are more noun-like than nominal (and verbal) gerunds in English. (C) 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Regarding verbal mood and complementation patterns of reporting verbs, the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is well established in present-day German. This paper looks into the history of German: Common knowledge has it that both the use of verbal mood as well as the quality of clause linkage undergo considerable changes giving rise to the question how these changes affect the manifestations of indirect reported speech in earlier stages of German. The historical record of the 16th century (with an outlook on the 17th century) shows that the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is not yet grammaticalized in historical sources at the time. In particular with respect to dependent (in)direct reported speech, both types prefer V2-complements with only verbal mood differentiating between the types. Although present and past subjunctive have a much wider distribution in earlier stages of German, the occurrence of free indirect speech likewise testifies to its increasing use as a marker of indirect reported speech. The growing conventionalization of patterns of indirect reported speech in the course of Early Modern German may be considered as an example for an increase of subjectification in its development.
The major aim of this volume is to investigate infinitival structures from a diachronic point of view and, simultaneously, to embed the diachronic findings into the ongoing theoretical discussion on non-finite clauses in general. All contributions subscribe to a dynamic approach to infinitival clauses by investigating their origin, development and loss in miscellaneous patterns and across different languages.
Sprachwandel
(2015)
Unsere Sprache wandelt sich unablässig. Beispiele dafür lassen sich in der Alltagssprache täglich aufs Neue entdecken. Meistens handelt es sich um Fälle lexikalischen Wandels, wie die Entlehnung von Wörtern aus einer anderen Sprache in das Deutsche. Eine besondere Rolle spielt hier in den letzten Jahren das Englische. Bekannte Beispiele solcher Entlehnungen sind Wörter aus der Computersprache wie scannen, e-mailen, chatten, aber auch Punk oder Hooligan sind aus dem Englischen entlehnt. Aus anderen Sprachen sind Lexeme wie Plateau (aus dem Französischen), Cello (aus dem Italienischen) oder Fatzke (aus dem Polnischen) übernommen worden. Informationen über die Geschichte einzelner Wörter lassen sich aus etymologischen Wörterbüchern beziehen. - Diese Einführung informiert über die linguistischen Kerngebiete Lexikon und Morphologie, Phonologie, Syntax, Semantik und Pragmatik . Sie erläutert Grundbegriffe, illustriert sie an Beispielen aus dem Deutschen und gibt einen Einblick in die linguistische Theoriebildung. Kindlicher Spracherwerb und Sprachwandel - zwei Gebiete, die von großer Bedeutung für ein tieferes Verständnis der menschlichen Sprache sind - werden in weiteren Kapiteln vorgestellt. Mit Übungen, einem Glossar der wichtigsten Fachtermini, einer weiterführenden Schlussbibliographie und einem Sachregister. Für die 3. Auflage wurde der Band umfassend überarbeitet und aktualisiert.