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Mental arithmetic is characterised by a tendency to overestimate addition and to underestimate subtraction results: the operational momentum (OM) effect. Here, motivated by contentious explanations of this effect, we developed and tested an arithmetic heuristics and biases model that predicts reverse OM due to cognitive anchoring effects. Participants produced bi-directional lines with lengths corresponding to the results of arithmetic problems. In two experiments, we found regular OM with zero problems (e.g., 3+0, 3-0) but reverse OM with non-zero problems (e.g., 2+1, 4-1). In a third experiment, we tested the prediction of our model. Our results suggest the presence of at least three competing biases in mental arithmetic: a more-or-less heuristic, a sign-space association and an anchoring bias. We conclude that mental arithmetic exhibits shortcuts for decision-making similar to traditional domains of reasoning and problem-solving.
Mental arithmetic exhibits various biases. Among those is a tendency to overestimate addition and to underestimate subtraction outcomes. Does such “operational momentum” (OM) also affect multiplication and division? Twenty-six adults produced lines whose lengths corresponded to the correct outcomes of multiplication and division problems shown in symbolic format. We found a reliable tendency to over-estimate division outcomes, i.e., reverse OM. We suggest that anchoring on the first operand (a tendency to use this number as a reference for further quantitative reasoning) contributes to cognitive biases in mental arithmetic.
Mental arithmetic exhibits various biases. Among those is a tendency to overestimate addition and to underestimate subtraction outcomes. Does such “operational momentum” (OM) also affect multiplication and division? Twenty-six adults produced lines whose lengths corresponded to the correct outcomes of multiplication and division problems shown in symbolic format. We found a reliable tendency to over-estimate division outcomes, i.e., reverse OM. We suggest that anchoring on the first operand (a tendency to use this number as a reference for further quantitative reasoning) contributes to cognitive biases in mental arithmetic.
Removing spatial responses reveals spatial concepts even in a culture with mixed reading habits
(2014)
A recent cross-cultural comparison (Shaki, Fischer, & Petrusic, 2009) suggested that spatially consistent processing habits for words and numbers are a necessary condition for the spatial representation of numbers (Spatial-Numerical Association of Response Codes; SNARC effect). Here we reexamine the SNARC in Israelis who read text from right to left but numbers from left to right. We show that, despite these spatially inconsistent processing habits, a SNARC effect still emerges when the response dimension is spatially orthogonal to the conflicting processing dimension. These results clarify the cognitive conditions for spatial-numerical mappings.
The present thesis deals with the mental representation of numbers in space. Generally it is assumed that numbers are mentally represented on a mental number line along which they ordered in a continuous and analogical manner. Dehaene, Bossini and Giraux (1993) found that the mental number line is spatially oriented from left-to-right. Using a parity-judgment task they observed faster left-hand responses for smaller numbers and faster right-hand responses for larger numbers. This effect has been labelled as Spatial Numerical Association of Response Codes (SNARC) effect. The first study of the present thesis deals with the question whether the spatial orientation of the mental number line derives from the writing system participants are adapted to. According to a strong ontogenetic interpretation the SNARC effect should only obtain for effectors closely related to the comprehension and production of written language (hands and eyes). We asked participants to indicate the parity status of digits by pressing a pedal with their left or right foot. In contrast to the strong ontogenetic view we observed a pedal SNARC effect which did not differ from the manual SNARC effect. In the second study we evaluated whether the SNARC effect reflects an association of numbers and extracorporal space or an association of numbers and hands. To do so we varied the spatial arrangement of the response buttons (vertical vs. horizontal) and the instruction (handrelated vs. button-related). For vertically arranged buttons and a buttonrelated instruction we found a button-related SNARC effect. In contrast, for a hand-related instruction we obtained a hand-related SNARC effect. For horizontally arranged buttons and a handrelated instruction, however, we found a buttonrelated SNARC effect. The results of the first to studies were interpreted in terms of weak ontogenetic view. In the third study we aimed to examine the functional locus of the SNARC effect. We used the psychological refractory period paradigm. In the first experiment participants first indicated the pitch of a tone and then the parity status of a digit (locus-of-slack paradigma). In a second experiment the order of stimulus presentation and thus tasks changed (effect-propagation paradigm). The results led us conclude that the SNARC effect arises while the response is centrally selected. In our fourth study we test for an association of numbers and time. We asked participants to compare two serially presented digits. Participants were faster to compare ascending digit pairs (e.g., 2-3) than descending pairs (e.g., 3-2). The pattern of our results was interpreted in terms of forwardassociations (“1-2-3”) as formed by our ubiquitous cognitive routines to count of objects or events.
Numerical magnitude information is assumed to be spatially represented in the form of a mental number line defined with respect to a body-centred, egocentric frame of reference. In this context, spatial language skills such as mastery of verbal descriptions of spatial position (e.g., in front of, behind, to the right/left) have been proposed to be relevant for grasping spatial relations between numerical magnitudes on the mental number line. We examined 4- to 5-year-old’s spatial language skills in tasks that allow responses in egocentric and allocentric frames of reference, as well as their relative understanding of numerical magnitude (assessed by a number word comparison task). In addition, we evaluated influences of children’s absolute understanding of numerical magnitude assessed by their number word comprehension (montring different numbers using their fingers) and of their knowledge on numerical sequences (determining predecessors and successors as well as identifying missing dice patterns of a series). Results indicated that when considering responses that corresponded to the egocentric perspective, children’s spatial language was associated significantly with their relative numerical magnitude understanding, even after controlling for covariates, such as children’s SES, mental rotation skills, and also absolute magnitude understanding or knowledge on numerical sequences. This suggests that the use of egocentric reference frames in spatial language may facilitate spatial representation of numbers along a mental number line and thus seem important for preschoolers’ relative understanding of numerical magnitude.
Numerical magnitude information is assumed to be spatially represented in the form of a mental number line defined with respect to a body-centred, egocentric frame of reference. In this context, spatial language skills such as mastery of verbal descriptions of spatial position (e.g., in front of, behind, to the right/left) have been proposed to be relevant for grasping spatial relations between numerical magnitudes on the mental number line. We examined 4- to 5-year-old’s spatial language skills in tasks that allow responses in egocentric and allocentric frames of reference, as well as their relative understanding of numerical magnitude (assessed by a number word comparison task). In addition, we evaluated influences of children’s absolute understanding of numerical magnitude assessed by their number word comprehension (montring different numbers using their fingers) and of their knowledge on numerical sequences (determining predecessors and successors as well as identifying missing dice patterns of a series). Results indicated that when considering responses that corresponded to the egocentric perspective, children’s spatial language was associated significantly with their relative numerical magnitude understanding, even after controlling for covariates, such as children’s SES, mental rotation skills, and also absolute magnitude understanding or knowledge on numerical sequences. This suggests that the use of egocentric reference frames in spatial language may facilitate spatial representation of numbers along a mental number line and thus seem important for preschoolers’ relative understanding of numerical magnitude.