• Treffer 6 von 27
Zurück zur Trefferliste

Pitch accent scaling on given, new and focused constituents in German

  • The influence of information structure on tonal scaling in German is examined experimentally. Eighteen speakers uttered a total of 2277 sentences of the same syntactic structure, but with a varying number of constituents, word order and focus-given structure. The quantified results for German support findings for other Germanic languages that the scaling of high tones, and thus the entire melodic pattern, is influenced by information structure. Narrow focus raised the high tones of pitch accents, while givenness lowered them in prenuclear position and canceled them out postnuclearly. The effects of focus and givenness are calculated against all-new sentences as a baseline, which we expected to be characterized by downstep, a significantly lower scaling of high tones as compared to declination. The results further show that information structure alone cannot account for all variations. We therefore assume that dissimilatory tonal effects play a crucial role in the tonal scaling of German. The effects consist of final f0 drop, a steepThe influence of information structure on tonal scaling in German is examined experimentally. Eighteen speakers uttered a total of 2277 sentences of the same syntactic structure, but with a varying number of constituents, word order and focus-given structure. The quantified results for German support findings for other Germanic languages that the scaling of high tones, and thus the entire melodic pattern, is influenced by information structure. Narrow focus raised the high tones of pitch accents, while givenness lowered them in prenuclear position and canceled them out postnuclearly. The effects of focus and givenness are calculated against all-new sentences as a baseline, which we expected to be characterized by downstep, a significantly lower scaling of high tones as compared to declination. The results further show that information structure alone cannot account for all variations. We therefore assume that dissimilatory tonal effects play a crucial role in the tonal scaling of German. The effects consist of final f0 drop, a steep fall from a raised high tone to the bottom line of the speaker, H-raising before a low tone, and H-lowering before a raised high tone. No correlation between word order and tone scaling could be established. 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.zeige mehrzeige weniger

Volltext Dateien herunterladen

  • Dokument_1.pdf
    eng

Metadaten exportieren

Weitere Dienste

Suche bei Google Scholar Statistik - Anzahl der Zugriffe auf das Dokument
Metadaten
Verfasserangaben:Caroline FéryORCiDGND, Frank Kügler
URN:urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46091
Publikationstyp:Postprint
Sprache:Englisch
Erscheinungsjahr:2008
Veröffentlichende Institution:Universität Potsdam
Datum der Freischaltung:27.08.2010
Freies Schlagwort / Tag:Contrastive stress; intonation
Quelle:Journal of phonetics. - 36 (2008), 4, S. 680 - 703, DOI: 10.1016/j.wocn.2008.05.001
Organisationseinheiten:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften / Department Linguistik
DDC-Klassifikation:4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
Name der Einrichtung zum Zeitpunkt der Publikation:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Institut für Linguistik / Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
Lizenz (Deutsch):License LogoKeine öffentliche Lizenz: Unter Urheberrechtsschutz
Externe Anmerkung:
The article was originally published by Elsevier:
Journal of Phonetics. - 36 (2008), S. 680-703
ISSN 0095-4470
DOI 10.1016/j.wocn.2008.05.001
Verstanden ✔
Diese Webseite verwendet technisch erforderliche Session-Cookies. Durch die weitere Nutzung der Webseite stimmen Sie diesem zu. Unsere Datenschutzerklärung finden Sie hier.