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Tense and Agreement dissociations in German agrammatic speakers : Underspecification vs. hierarchy

  • The aim of the present paper was to investigate whether German agrammatic production data are compatible with the Tree-Pruning-Hypothesis (TPH; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997). The theory predicts unidirectional patterns of dissociation in agrammatic production data with respect to Tense and Agreement. However, there was evidence of a double dissociation between Tense and Agreement in our data. The presence of a bidirectional dissociation is incompatible with any theory which assumes a hierarchical order between these categories such as the TPH or other versions thereof (such as Lee's, 2003 top-down hypothesis). It will be argued that the data can better be accounted for by relying on newer linguistic theories such as the Minimalist Program (MP, Chomsky, 2000), which does not assume a hierarchical order between independent syntactic Tense and Agreement nodes but treats them as different features (semantically interpretable vs. uninterpretable) under a single node. (c) 2005 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved

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Metadaten
Author:Frank BurchertORCiDGND, Maria Swoboda-Moll, Ria DeBleser
Document Type:Article
Language:English
Year of first Publication:2005
Year of Completion:2005
Release Date:2017/03/24
Source:Brain and Language. - 94 (2005), 2, S. 188 - 199
Organizational units:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Institut für Linguistik / Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
Peer Review:Referiert