Institut für Linguistik / Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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Adopting a minimalist framework, the dissertation provides an analysis for the syntactic structure of comparatives, with special attention paid to the derivation of the subclause. The proposed account explains how the comparative subclause is connected to the matrix clause, how the subclause is formed in the syntax and what additional processes contribute to its final structure. In addition, it casts light upon these problems in cross-linguistic terms and provides a model that allows for synchronic and diachronic differences. This also enables one to give a more adequate explanation for the phenomena found in English comparatives since the properties of English structures can then be linked to general settings of the language and hence need no longer be considered as idiosyncratic features of the grammar of English. First, the dissertation provides a unified analysis of degree expressions, relating the structure of comparatives to that of other degrees. It is shown that gradable adjectives are located within a degree phrase (DegP), which in turn projects a quantifier phrase (QP) and that these two functional layers are always present, irrespectively of whether there is a phonologically visible element in these layers. Second, the dissertation presents a novel analysis of Comparative Deletion by reducing it to an overtness constraint holding on operators: in this way, it is reduced to morphological differences and cross-linguistic variation is not conditioned by way of postulating an arbitrary parameter. Cross-linguistic differences are ultimately dependent on whether a language has overt operators equipped with the relevant – [+compr] and [+rel] – features. Third, the dissertation provides an adequate explanation for the phenomenon of Attributive Comparative Deletion, as attested in English, by way of relating it to the regular mechanism of Comparative Deletion. I assume that Attributive Comparative Deletion is not a universal phenomenon, and its presence in English can be conditioned by independent, more general rules, while the absence of such restrictions leads to its absence in other languages. Fourth, the dissertation accounts for certain phenomena related to diachronic changes, examining how the changes in the status of comparative operators led to changes in whether Comparative Deletion is attested in a given language: I argue that only operators without a lexical XP can be grammaticalised. The underlying mechanisms underlying are essentially general economy principles and hence the processes are not language-specific or exceptional. Fifth, the dissertation accounts for optional ellipsis processes that play a crucial role in the derivation of typical comparative subclauses. These processes are not directly related to the structure of degree expressions and hence the elimination of the quantified expression from the subclause; nevertheless, they are shown to be in interaction with the mechanisms underlying Comparative Deletion or the absence thereof.
Learners' Little Helper
(2015)
Ausgehend von den primärsensorischen Arealen verlaufen Verarbeitungswege nach anterior durch die Temporallappen, die der Objekterkennung dienen. Besonders die vorderste Spitze der Temporallappen, der anteriore Temporalkortex, wird mit Funktionen der Objektidentifizierung assoziiert. Es existieren jedoch mehrere Vermutungen, welcher Art die Objekte sind, die in dieser Region verarbeitet werden. Es gibt Annahmen über die Verarbeitung von Sprache, von menschlichen Stimmen, semantischen Informationen oder individuellen Konzepten. Um zwischen diesen Theorien zu differenzieren, wurden vier ereigniskorrelierte fMRT-Messungen an jungen gesunden Erwachsenen durchgeführt. Die Probanden hörten in drei Experimenten die Stimmen berühmter und unbekannter Personen und in einem der Experimente zusätzlich Geräusche von Tieren und Musikinstrumenten. Im vierten Experiment wurden Zeichnungen von Comicfiguren gezeigt sowie von Tieren und Obst- und Gemüsesorten. Die neuronale Aktivität bei der Verarbeitung dieser Reize im Vergleich zu Zeiten ohne Stimulation wurde mit Hilfe von Interesseregionen untersucht, die nahezu die gesamten Temporallappen abdeckten und diese in jeweils zwölf Areale untergliederten. In den anterioren Temporallappen waren sowohl mit auditiven als auch mit visuellen Stimuli deutliche Aktivierungsunterschiede in Abhängigkeit von der semantischen Kategorie festzustellen. Individuelle Konzepte (menschliche Stimmen und Zeichentrickfiguren) riefen eine signifikant stärkere Aktivierung hervor als kategoriale Konzepte (Tiere, Musikinstrumente, Obst- und Gemüse). Außerdem war das Signal, dass durch die Stimmen der bekannten Personen ausgelöst wurde, deutlich stärker als das Signal der unbekannten Stimmen. Damit sind die Daten am ehesten kompatibel mit der Annahme, dass die anterioren Temporallappen, bekannte individuelle Konzepte verarbeiten. Da die beschriebenen Signalunterschiede zwischen den verschiedenen Bedingungen ausgehend von den transversalen Temporalgyri nach anterior zum Temporalpol zunahmen, unterstützen die Ergebnisse zudem die Theorie von einem ventralen Verarbeitungsweg, der die Temporallappen nach anterior durchquert und zur Objekterkennung beiträgt. In Übereinstimmung mit den Annahmen der Konvergenzzonentheorie von A. R. Damasio scheint die spezifische Funktion dieses rostral gerichteten Verarbeitungsweges aus der sukzessiven Kombination immer mehr sensomotorischer Merkmale von Objekten zu bestehen. Da bekannte individuelle Konzepte eine besonders hohe Anzahl von Merkmalen aufweisen, ist eine weiter nach anterior verlaufende Verarbeitung zu beobachten als bei unbekannten oder kategorialen Konzepten.
Previous studies on the acquisition of verb inflection in normally developing children have revealed an astonishing pattern: children use correctly inflected verbs in their own speech but fail to make use of verb inflections when comprehending sentences uttered by others. Thus, a three-year old might well be able to say something like ‘The cat sleeps on the bed’, but fails to understand that the same sentence, when uttered by another person, refers to only one sleeping cat but not more than one. The previous studies that have examined children's comprehension of verb inflections have employed a variant of a picture selection task in which the child was asked to explicitly indicate (via pointing) what semantic meaning she had inferred from the test sentence. Recent research on other linguistic structures, such as pronouns or focus particles, has indicated that earlier comprehension abilities can be found when methods are used that do not require an explicit reaction, like preferential looking tasks. This dissertation aimed to examine whether children are truly not able to understand the connection the the verb form and the meaning of the sentence subject until the age of five years or whether earlier comprehension can be found when a different measure, preferential looking, is used. Additionally, children's processing of subject-verb agreement violations was examined. The three experiments of this thesis that examined children's comprehension of verb inflections revealed the following: German-speaking three- to four-year old children looked more to a picture showing one actor when hearing a sentence with a singular inflected verb but only when their eye gaze was tracked and they did not have to perform a picture selection task. When they were asked to point to the matching picture, they performed at chance-level. This pattern indicates asymmetries in children's language performance even within the receptive modality. The fourth experiment examined sensitivity to subject-verb agreement violations and did not reveal evidence for sensitivity toward agreement violations in three- and four-year old children, but only found that children's looking patterns were influenced by the grammatical violations at the age of five. The results from these experiments are discussed in relation to the existence of a production-comprehension asymmetry in the use of verb inflections and children's underlying grammatical knowledge.
Connective ties in discourse: Three ERP studies on causal, temporal and concessive connective ties and their influence on language processing. Questions In four experiments the influence of lexical connectives such as " darum", therefore, " danach", afterwards, and " trotzdem", nevertheless, on the processing of short two-sentence discourses was examined and compared to the processing of deictical sentential adverbs such as " gestern", yesterday, and " lieber", rather. These latter words do not have the property of signaling a certain discourse relation between two sentences, as connective ties do. Three questions were central to the work: * Do the processing contrasts found between connective and non-connective elements extend to connective ties and deictical sentential adverbs (experiments 2 and 3)? * Does the semantic content of the connective ties play the primary role, i.e is the major distinction to be made indeed between connective and non-connective or instead between causal, temporal and concessive? * When precisely is the information provided by connective ties used? There is some evidence that connective ties can have an immediate influence on the integration of subsequent elements, but the end of the second sentences appears to play an important role as well: experiments 2, 3, and 4. Conclusions First of all, the theoretical distinction between connective and non-connective elements does indeed have " cognitive reality" . This has already been shown in previous studies. The present studies do however show, that there is also a difference between one-place discourse elements (deictical sentential adverbs) and two-place discourse elements, namely connective ties, since all experiments examining this contrast found evidence for qualitatively and quantitatively different processing (experiments 1, 2, and 3). Secondly, the semantic type of the connective ties also plays a role. This was not shown for the LAN, found for all connective ties when compared to non-connective elements, and consequently interpreted as a more abstract reflection of the integration of connective ties. There was also no difference between causal and temporal connective ties before the end of the discourses in experiment 3. However, the N400 found for incoherent discourses in experiment 2, larger for connective incoherent than non-connective incoherent discourses, as well as the P3b found for concessive connective ties in the comparison between causal and concessive connective ties gave reason to assume that the semantic content of connective ties is made use of in incremental processing, and that the relation signaled by the connective tie is the one that readers attempt to construct. Concerning when the information provided by connective ties is used, it appears as if connectivity is generally and obligatorily taken at face value. As long as the meaning of a connective tie did not conflict with a preferred canonical discourse relation, there were no differences found for varying connective discourses (experiment 3). However, the fact that concessive connective ties announce the need for a more complex text representation was recognized and made use of immediately (experiment 4). Additionally, a violation of the discourse relation resulted in more difficult semantic integration if a connective tie was present (experiment 2). It is therefore concluded here that connective ties influence processing immediately. This claim has to be modified somewhat, since the sentence-final elements suggested that connective ties trigger different integration processes than non-connective elements. It seems as if the answer to the question of when connective ties are processed is neither exclusively immediately nor exclusively afterwards, but that both viewpoints are correct. It is suggested here that before the end of a discourse economy plays a central role in that a canonical relation is assumed unless there is evidence to the contrary. A connective tie could have the function of reducing the dimensions evaluated in a discourse to the one signaled by the connective tie. At the end of the discourse the representation is evaluated and verified, and an integrated situation model constructed. Here, the complexity of the different discourse relations that connective ties can signal, is expressed.