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This study presents results from a cross-modal priming experiment investigating inflected verb forms of German. A group of late learners of German with Russian as their native language (L1) was compared to a control group of German L1 speakers. The experiment showed different priming patterns for the two participant groups. The L1 German data yielded a stem-priming effect for inflected forms involving regular affixation and a partial priming effect for irregular forms irrespective of stem allomorphy. By contrast, the data from the late bilinguals showed reduced priming effects for both regular and irregular forms. We argue that late learners rely more on lexically stored inflected word forms during word recognition and less on morphological parsing than native speakers.
Previous research has shown that high phonotactic frequencies
facilitate the production of regularly inflected verbs in English-learning
children with specific language impairment (SLI) but not with typical
development (TD). We asked whether this finding can be replicated
for German, a language with a much more complex inflectional
verb paradigm than English. Using an elicitation task, the production
of inflected nonce verb forms (3 rd person singular with -t suffix)
with either high- or low-frequency subsyllables was tested in
sixteen German-learning children with SLI (ages 4;1–5 ;1), sixteen
TD-children matched for chronological age (CA) and fourteen TD-
children matched for verbal age (VA) (ages 3;0–3 ;11). The findings
revealed that children with SLI, but not CA- or VA-children, showed
differential performance between the two types of verbs, producing
more inflectional errors when the verb forms resulted in low-frequency
subsyllables than when they resulted in high-frequency subsyllables,
replicating the results from English-learning children.
OCP-Place, a cross-linguistically well-attested constraint against pairs of consonants with shared [place], is psychologically real. Studies have shown that the processing of words violating OCP-Place is inhibited. Functionalists assume that OCP arises as a consequence of low-level perception: a consonant following another with the same [place] cannot be faithfully perceived as an independent unit. If functionalist theories were correct, then lexical access would be inhibited if two homorganic consonants conjoin at word boundaries-a problem that can only be solved with lexical feedback.
Here, we experimentally challenge the functional account by showing that OCP-Place can be used as a speech segmentation cue during pre-lexical processing without lexical feedback, and that the use relates to distributions in the input.
In Experiment 1, native listeners of Dutch located word boundaries between two labials when segmenting an artificial language. This indicates a use of OCP-Labial as a segmentation cue, implying a full perception of both labials. Experiment 2 shows that segmentation performance cannot solely be explained by well-formedness intuitions. Experiment 3 shows that knowledge of OCP-Place depends on language-specific input: in Dutch, co-occurrences of labials are under-represented, but co-occurrences of coronals are not. Accordingly, Dutch listeners fail to use OCP-Coronal for segmentation.
We report findings from psycholinguistic experiments investigating the detailed timing of processing morphologically complex words by proficient adult second (L2) language learners of English in comparison to adult native (L1) speakers of English. The first study employed the masked priming technique to investigate -ed forms with a group of advanced Arabic-speaking learners of English. The results replicate previously found L1/L2 differences in morphological priming, even though in the present experiment an extra temporal delay was offered after the presentation of the prime words.
The second study examined the timing of constraints against inflected forms inside derived words in English using the eye-movement monitoring technique and an additional acceptability judgment task with highly advanced Dutch L2 learners of English in comparison to adult L1 English controls. Whilst offline the L2 learners performed native-like, the eye-movement data showed that their online processing was not affected by the morphological constraint against regular plurals inside derived words in the same way as in native speakers. Taken together, these findings indicate that L2 learners are not just slower than native speakers in processing morphologically complex words, but that the L2 comprehension system employs real-time grammatical analysis (in this case, morphological information) less than the L1 system.
Les représentants du relativisme linguistique du XXème siècle qui se réclament de l’histoire de leur théorie mentionnent normalement Guillaume de Humboldt comme initiateur de l’idée que la manière particulière de penser d’un peuple dépendrait de sa langue. La théorie de Humboldt s’avère, cependant, difficilement maniable dans la recherche linguistique. Malgré une similitude évidente dans certaines positions, comme par exemple les concepts d’‘articulation’ et de ‘valeur’, le renouvellement de la linguistique sur une base saussurienne, au début du XXème siècle, se passait des idées de Humboldt. Il n’y avait que quelques philologues ‘idéalistes’ qui poursuivaient ce type de recherche. Ainsi, Karl Vossler constatait un parallélisme entre la langue et la culture et les considérait comme résultats de la création humaine. Le mécontentement quant à la description des langues selon le paradigme positiviste des néogrammairiens s’articulait nettement.
Le concept d’une vision linguistique du monde fut développé dans la théorie des néohumboldtiens (Weisgerber, Trier et autres) qui affirmaient que l’individu s’approprie le monde à travers la langue. Des différences entre des langues influeraient considérablement sur les facultés cognitives des hommes et sur leur comportement. L’idée humboldtienne de l’energeia se trouvait exclue de ces théories qui aspiraient à un renouvellement de la langue maternelle dans le sens d’une ‘grammaire à partir du contenu’ (inhaltbezogene Grammatik). Ce type de réflexion linguistique se prêtait aussi à une utilisation politique sous le national-socialisme. La théorie de Weisgerber, déclarée comme antiraciste et anti-national-socialiste par l’auteur lui-même, fut considérée comme « mother-tongue fascism » par Christopher Hutton. La relation entre le relativisme linguistique et la doctrine nationale-socialiste est évidente dans les écrits de plusieurs auteurs, par exemple dans « notre langue maternelle comme arme et instrument de la pensée allemande » de Georg Schmidt-Rohr. Il y eut des implications racistes de la théorie de quelques indo-germanistes bien avant 1933.
L’influence des néohumboldtiens s’est poursuivie jusqu’aux années 60, époque où ils durent faire place à des linguistes structuralistes et générativistes. On trouve dans quelques vérifications plus récentes du relativisme linguistique des références à des textes antérieurs à Humboldt. Par exemple, Gumperz et Levison (1996) citent le concours de l’Académie de Berlin sur la question suivante : Quelle est l'influence réciproque des opinions du peuple sur le langage et du langage sur les opinions? Est-ce que cet élargissement de l’horizon de rétrospection a quelque chose à voir avec la conscience d’une portée sociale possible de cette théorie ?
L’Officina del poeta
(2013)
This article presents the results of a study on the interpretation and acceptance of adjectival resultatives of German children between 6 and 9 years of age and adults. These results brought to light significant differences, due to age, in the interpretation and acceptance of these resultatives, that is to say, sentences with an adjective in the final position. The youngest participants were prone to accept ungrammatical sentences by assigning a resultative meaning. The ungrammaticality of the sentences in question was not due to semantic inconsistencies but to violations of the selectional properties of verbs, as for instance in *die Kinder erschrecken die Katze ängstlich ‘the children frighten the cat scared’. In contrast, the adults rejected or amended those sentences. The conclusion is (a) that the children seemed to rely on the sentence structure as a primary cue to compute the meaning of an utterance and (b) that, in contrast with adults, the youngest children in particular had not yet learned the relevant semantic properties of verbs that determine the selectional restrictions and thus the syntactic options of verbs. This means that differences in interpretation and acceptance of sentences are due to differences in knowledge of semantic verb properties between adults and children. The relevant semantic knowledge increases in gradual stages during language acquisition.
In this article, it will be argued that the concept of functional layering – an extension of Hopper’s (1991) concept of layering – can be fruitfully applied to understand the mechanisms behind the sometimes large and messy looking synchronic picture of diverse meanings which one and the same construction can fulfill at a particular point in time. The concept will be used to account for the meaning spectrum of the present-day English progressive, which, it will be argued, no monosemic approach to date can account for. Taking a look at the diachrony of the construction will help to reveal that the various “exceptions” found in the use of the progressive can be understood as reflections of different stages in its development. Older, less grammaticalized or less well-defined usage patterns thus often survive in certain restricted niches next to the newer, more grammaticalized or more clear-cut functions, representing different diachronic layers. In addition to this diachronic motivation for synchronic meaning variety, the article will also address the crucial question of how a present-day hearer of a progressive form is able to decode the specific meaning intended by the speaker based on contextual clues. The article ends with some suggestions for further applications of the concept of functional layering.