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Der homo oeconomicus als einziges Leitbild der Gesellschaft – Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage, wie ein Verständnis der neoliberalen Subjektivierung als Grundlage für die sozioökonomische Bildung dienen kann, um einer Entwicklung zu einer marktkonformen Demokratie entgegenzuwirken. Ausgehend von Foucaults Vorlesungen zur Biopolitik und Browns aktueller Analyse zum Neoliberalismus wird ein soziologischer Erklärungsansatz formuliert, der das Menschenbild des homo oeconomicus als strukturelles Element unserer Gesellschaft begreift. Mit Bezug auf die besondere Rolle der neoliberalen Rationalität erläutert der Beitrag Sichtweisen, die in dieser Entwicklung ein Ende der liberal-demokratischen Ordnung sehen. Im zweiten Teil wird im Sinne der immanenten Kritik eine ideologiekritische Analysekompetenz skizziert, welche die soziale Wirklichkeit mithilfe von Schlüsselproblemen an eine gesellschaftskritische Perspektive koppelt. Ziel ist es, exemplarisch „gesellschaftliche Ordnungsgrundlagen“ (Salomon 2014) herauszufordern, um letztlich das übergeordnete Ziel einer Mündigkeit der Subjekte zu erreichen.
The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault’s lectures on biopolitics and Brown’s current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines – through immanent critique – an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier & Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232–239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry.
Holocaust Education
(2020)
States, in their conflicts with militant groups embedded in civilian populations, often resort to policies of collective punishment to erode civilian support for the militants. We attempt to evaluate the efficacy of such policies in the context of the Gaza Strip, where Israel's blockade and military interventions, purportedly intended to erode support for Hamas, have inflicted hardship on the civilian population.
We combine Palestinian public opinion data, Palestinian labor force surveys, and Palestinian fatalities data, to understand the relationship between exposure to Israeli policies and Palestinian support for militant factions.
Our baseline strategy is a difference-in-differences specification that compares the gap in public opinion between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank during periods of intense punishment with the gap during periods when punishment is eased. Consistent with previous research, we find that Palestinian fatalities are associated with Palestinian support for more militant political factions. The effect is short-lived, however, dissipating after merely one quarter.
Moreover, the blockade of Gaza itself appears to be only weakly associated with support for militant factions. Overall, we find little evidence to suggest that Israeli security policies toward the Gaza Strip have any substantial lasting effect on Gazan support for militant factions, neither deterring nor provoking them relative to their West Bank counterparts.
Our findings therefore call into question the logic of Israel's continued security policies toward Gaza, while prompting a wider re-examination of the efficacy of deterrence strategies in other asymmetric conflicts.
Extreme-right terrorism is a threat that is often underestimated by the public at large. As this paper argues, this is partly due to a concept of terrorism utilized by policymakers, intelligence agents, and police investigators that is based on experience of international terrorism perpetrated by leftists or jihadists as opposed to domestic extreme-right violence. This was one reason why investigators failed to identify the crimes committed by the National Socialist Underground (NSU) in Germany (2000–2011) as extreme-right terrorism, for example. While scholarly debate focused on the Red Army Faction and Al Qaeda, terrorist tendencies among those perpetrating racist and extreme-right violence tended to be disregarded. Influential researchers in the field of “extremism” denied that terrorist acts were committed by right-wingers. By mapping the specifics regarding the strategic use of violence, target selection, addressing of different audiences etc., this paper proposes a more accurate definition of extreme-right terrorism. In comparing it to other forms of terrorism, extreme-right terrorism is distinguished by its specific framework of ideologies and practices, with the underlying idea of an essential inequality that is compensated for through the affirmation of violence. It can be differentiated from other forms of extreme-right violence based on its use of strategic, premeditated and planned attacks against targets of a symbolic nature.
Warten auf den Tag X
(2022)
"Come together in Rostock"
(2023)