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Wird Schon Stimmen!
(2018)
The article puts forward a novel analysis of the German modal particle schon as a modal degree operator over propositional content. The proposed analysis offers a uniform perspective on the semantics of modal schon and its aspectual counterpart meaning ‘already’: Both particles are analyzed as denoting a degree operator, expressing a scale-based comparison over relevant alternatives. The alternatives are determined by focus in the case of aspectual schon (Krifka 2000), but are restricted to the polar alternatives p and ¬p in the case of modal schon. Semantically, modal schon introduces a presupposition to the effect that the circumstantial conversational background contains more factual evidence in favor of p than in favor of ¬p, thereby making modal schon the not at-issue counterpart of the overt comparative form eher ‘rather’ (Herburger & Rubinstein 2014). The analysis incorporates basic insights from earlier analyses of modal schon in a novel way, and it also offers new insights as to the underlying workings of modality in natural language as involving propositions rather than possible worlds (Kratzer 1977, 2012).
This article investigates the word order preferences of Tagalog-speaking adults and five- and seven-year-old children. The participants were asked to complete sentences to describe pictures depicting actions between two animate entities. Adults preferred agent-initial constructions in the patient voice but not in the agent voice, while the children produced mainly agent-initial constructions regardless of voice. This agent-initial preference, despite the lack of a close link between the agent and the subject in Tagalog, shows that this word order preference is not merely syntactically-driven (subject-initial preference). Additionally, the children’s agent-initial preference in the agent voice, contrary to the adults’ lack of preference, shows that children do not respect the subject-last principle of ordering Tagalog full noun phrases. These results suggest that language-specific optional features like a subject-last principle take longer to be acquired.
The aim of this review is to provide a selective overview of priming studies which have employed the event-related brain potential (ERP) technique in order to investigate bilingual language processing. The priming technique can reveal an implicit memory effect in which exposure to one stimulus influences the processing of another stimulus. Behavioral approaches, such as measuring reaction times, may not always be enough for providing a full view on the exact mechanisms and the time-course of language comprehension. Instead, ERPs have a time-resolution of a millisecond and hence they offer a precise temporal overview of the underlying neural processes involved in language processing. In our review, we summarize experimental research that has combined priming with ERP measurements, thus creating a valuable tool for examining the neurophysiological correlates of language processing in the bilingual brain.
Method: A sentence completion task testing production of subject-verb agreement, tense/time reference, and aspect in local and nonlocal conditions and two verbal WM tasks were administered to 8 Greek-speaking persons with agrammatic aphasia (PWA) and 103 healthy participants. Results: The 3 morphosyntactic categories dissociated in both groups (agreement > tense > aspect). A significant interaction emerged in both groups between the 3 morphosyntactic categories and WM. There was no main effect of locality in either of the 2 groups. At the individual level, all 8 PWA exhibited dissociations between agreement, tense, and aspect, and effects of locality were contradictory.
Second language speakers often struggle to apply grammatical constraints such as subject-verb agreement. One hypothesis for this difficulty is that it results from problems suppressing syntactically unlicensed constituents in working memory. We investigated which properties of these constituents make them more likely to elicit errors: their grammatical distance to the subject head or their linear distance to the verb. We used double modifier constructions (e.g., the smell of the stables of the farmers), where the errors of native speakers are modulated by the linguistic relationships between the nouns in the subject phrase: second plural nouns, which are syntactically and semantically closer to the subject head, elicit more errors than third plural nouns, which are linearly closer to the verb (2nd-3rd-noun asymmetry). In order to dissociate between grammatical and linear distance, we compared embedded and coordinated modifiers, which were linearly identical but differed in grammatical distance. Using an attraction paradigm, we showed that German native speakers and proficient Russian speakers of German exhibited similar attraction rates and that their errors displayed a 2nd-3rd-noun asymmetry, which was more pronounced in embedded than in coordinated constructions. We suggest that both native and second language learners prioritize linguistic structure over linear distance in their agreement computations.
According to the Shallow Structure Hypothesis (SSH), second language (L2) speakers, unlike native speakers, build shallow syntactic representations during sentence processing. In order to test the SSH, this study investigated the processing of a syntactic movement in both native speakers of English and proficient late L2 speakers of English using pupillometry to measure processing cost. Of particular interest were constructions where movement resulted in an intermediate gap between clauses. Pupil diameter was recorded during auditory presentation of complex syntactic constructions. Two factors were manipulated: syntactic movement (such that some conditions contained movement while others did not), as well as syntactic movement type (either causing an intermediate gap or not). Grammaticality judgments revealed no differences between the two groups, suggesting both were capable of comprehending these constructions. Pupil change slope measurements revealed a potential sensitivity to intermediate gaps for only native speakers, however, both native and late L2 speakers showed similar facilitation during processing of the second gap site. Acoustic analysis revealed potential acoustic cues that may have facilitated the processing of these constructions. This suggests that, contrary to the predictions of the SSH, late L2 speakers are capable of constructing rich syntactic representations during the processing of intermediate gap constructions in spoken language.
Recent studies by Bastiaanse and colleagues found that time reference is selectively impaired in people with nonfluent agrammatic aphasia, with reference to the past being more difficult to process than reference to the present or to the future. To account for this dissociation, they formulated the PAst DIscourse LInking Hypothesis (PADILIH), which posits that past reference is more demanding than present/future reference because it involves discourse linking. There is some evidence that this hypothesis can be applied to people with fluent aphasia as well. However, the existing evidence for the PADILIH is contradictory, and most of it has been provided by employing a test that predominantly taps retrieval processes, leaving largely unexplored the underlying ability to encode time reference-related prephonological features. Within a cross-linguistic approach, this study tests the PADILIH by means of a sentence completion task that 'equally' taps encoding and retrieval abilities. This study also investigates if the PADILIH’s scope can be extended to fluent aphasia. Greek- and Italian-speaking individuals with aphasia participated in the study. The Greek group consisted of both individuals with nonfluent agrammatic aphasia and individuals with fluent aphasia, who also presented signs of agrammatism. The Italian group consisted of individuals with agrammatic nonfluent aphasia only. The two Greek subgroups performed similarly. Neither language group of participants with aphasia exhibited a pattern of performance consistent with the predictions of the PADILIH. However, a double dissociation observed within the Greek group suggests a hypothesis that may reconcile the present results with the PADILIH.
Both social perception and temperament in young infants have been related to social functioning later in life. Previous functional Near-Infrared Spectroscopy (fNIRS) data (Lloyd-Fox et al., 2009) showed larger blood-oxygenation changes for social compared to non-social stimuli in the posterior temporal cortex of five-month-old infants. We sought to replicate and extend these findings by using fNIRS to study the neural basis of social perception in relation to infant temperament (Negative Affect) in 37 five-to-eight-month-old infants. Infants watched short videos displaying either hand and facial movements of female actors (social dynamic condition) or moving toys and machinery (non-social dynamic condition), while fNIRS data were collected over temporal brain regions. Negative Affect was measured using the Infant Behavior Questionnaire. Results showed significantly larger blood-oxygenation changes in the right posterior-temporal region in the social compared to the non-social condition. Furthermore, this differential activation was smaller in infants showing higher Negative Affect. Our results replicate those of Lloyd-Fox et al. and confirmed that five-to-eight-month-old infants show cortical specialization for social perception. Furthermore, the decreased cortical sensitivity to social stimuli in infants showing high Negative Affect may be an early biomarker for later difficulties in social interaction.
Infants as young as six months are sensitive to prosodic phrase boundaries marked by three acoustic cues: pitch change, final lengthening, and pause. Behavioral studies suggest that a language-specific weighting of these cues develops during the first year of life; recent work on German revealed that eight-month-olds, unlike six-month-olds, are capable of perceiving a prosodic boundary on the basis of pitch change and final lengthening only. The present study uses Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to investigate the neuro-cognitive development of prosodic cue perception in German-learning infants. In adults’ ERPs, prosodic boundary perception is clearly reflected by the so-called Closure Positive Shift (CPS). To date, there is mixed evidence on whether an infant CPS exists that signals early prosodic cue perception, or whether the CPS emerges only later—the latter implying that infantile brain responses to prosodic boundaries reflect acoustic, low-level pause detection.
We presented six- and eight-month-olds with stimuli containing either no boundary cues, only a pitch cue, or a combination of both pitch change and final lengthening. For both age groups, responses to the former two conditions did not differ, while brain responses to prosodic boundaries cued by pitch change and final lengthening showed a positivity that we interpret as a CPS-like infant ERP component. This hints at an early sensitivity to prosodic boundaries that cannot exclusively be based on pause detection. Instead, infants’ brain responses indicate an early ability to exploit subtle, relational prosodic cues in speech perception—presumably even earlier than could be concluded from previous behavioral results.
This study investigated Dutch-speaking four- to five-year-olds’ use of word order and prosody in distinguishing focus types (broad focus, narrow focus, and contrastive narrow focus) via an interactive answer-reconstruction game. We have found an overall preference for the unmarked word order SVO and no evidence for the use of OVS to distinguish focus types. But the children used pitch and duration in the subject-nouns to distinguish focus types in SVO sentences. These findings show that Dutch-speaking four- to five-year-olds differ from their German- and Finnish-speaking peers, who show evidence of varying choice of word order to mark specific focus types, and use prosody to distinguish focus types in subject and object nouns in both SVO and OVS sentences. These comparisons suggest that typological differences in the relative importance between word order and prosody can lead to differences in children’s use of word order and prosody in unmarked and marked word orders. A more equal role of word order and prosody in the ambient language can stimulate more extensive use of prosody in the marked word order, whereas a more limited role of word order can restrict the use of prosody in the unmarked word order.
Sensitivity to salience
(2018)
Sentence comprehension is optimised by indicating entities as salient through linguistic (i.e., information-structural) or visual means. We compare how salience of a depicted referent due to a linguistic (i.e., topic status) or visual cue (i.e., a virtual person's gaze shift) modulates sentence comprehension in German. We investigated processing of sentences with varying word order and pronoun resolution by means of self-paced reading and an antecedent choice task, respectively. Our results show that linguistic as well as visual salience cues immediately speeded up reading times of sentences mentioning the salient referent first. In contrast, for pronoun resolution, linguistic and visual cues modulated antecedent choice preferences less congruently. In sum, our findings speak in favour of a significant impact of linguistic and visual salience cues on sentence comprehension, substantiating that salient information delivered via language as well as the visual environment is integrated in the current mental representation of the discourse.
Moving beyond ERP components
(2018)
Relationships between neuroimaging measures and behavior provide important clues about brain function and cognition in healthy and clinical populations. While electroencephalography (EEG) provides a portable, low cost measure of brain dynamics, it has been somewhat underrepresented in the emerging field of model-based inference. We seek to address this gap in this article by highlighting the utility of linking EEG and behavior, with an emphasis on approaches for EEG analysis that move beyond focusing on peaks or "components" derived from averaging EEG responses across trials and subjects (generating the event-related potential, ERP). First, we review methods for deriving features from EEG in order to enhance the signal within single-trials. These methods include filtering based on user-defined features (i.e., frequency decomposition, time-frequency decomposition), filtering based on data-driven properties (i.e., blind source separation, BSS), and generating more abstract representations of data (e.g., using deep learning). We then review cognitive models which extract latent variables from experimental tasks, including the drift diffusion model (DDM) and reinforcement learning (RL) approaches. Next, we discuss ways to access associations among these measures, including statistical models, data-driven joint models and cognitive joint modeling using hierarchical Bayesian models (HBMs). We think that these methodological tools are likely to contribute to theoretical advancements, and will help inform our understandings of brain dynamics that contribute to moment-to-moment cognitive function.
We report two corpus analyses to examine the impact of animacy, definiteness, givenness and type of referring expression on the ordering of double objects in the spontaneous speech of German-speaking two- to four-year-old children and the child-directed speech of their mothers. The first corpus analysis revealed that definiteness, givenness and type of referring expression influenced word order variation in child language and child-directed speech when the type of referring expression distinguished between pronouns and lexical noun phrases. These results correspond to previous child language studies in English (e.g., de Marneffe et al. 2012). Extending the scope of previous studies, our second corpus analysis examined the role of different pronoun types on word order. It revealed that word order in child language and child-directed speech was predictable from the types of pronouns used. Different types of pronouns were associated with different sentence positions but also showed a strong correlation to givenness and definiteness. Yet, the distinction between pronoun types diminished the effects of givenness so that givenness had an independent impact on word order only in child-directed speech but not in child language. Our results support a multi-factorial approach to word order in German. Moreover, they underline the strong impact of the type of referring expression on word order and suggest that it plays a crucial role in the acquisition of the factors influencing word order variation.
Previous studies have found that Hebrew-speaking children accurately comprehend object relatives (OR) with an embedded non-referential arbitrary subject pronoun (ASP). The facilitation of ORs with embedded pronouns is expected both from a discourse-pragmatics perspective and within a syntax-based locality approach. However, the specific effect of ASP might also be driven by a mismatch in grammatical features between the head noun and the pronoun, or by its relatively undemanding referential properties. We tested these possibilities by comparing ORs whose embedded subject is either ASP, a referential pronoun, or a lexical noun phrase. In all conditions, grammatical features were controlled. In a referent-identification task, the matching features made ORs with embedded pronouns difficult for five-year-olds. Accuracy was particularly low when the embedded pronoun was referential. These results indicate that embedded pronouns do not facilitate ORs across the board, and that the referential properties of pronouns affect OR processing.
Encountering a cataphoric pronoun triggers a search for a suitable referent. Previous research indicates that this search is constrained by binding Condition C, which prohibits coreference between a cataphoric pronoun and a referential expression within its c-command domain. We report the results from a series of eye-movement monitoring and questionnaire experiments investigating cataphoric pronoun resolution in German. Given earlier findings suggesting that the application of structure-sensitive constraints on reference resolution may be delayed in non-native language processing, we tested both native and proficient non-native speakers of German. Our results show that cataphoric pronouns trigger an active search in both native and non-native comprehenders. Whilst both participant groups demonstrated awareness of Condition C in an offline task, we found Condition C effects to be restricted to later processing measures during online reading. This indicates that during natural reading, Condition C applies as a relatively late filter on potential coreference assignments.
In previous research, mutual information (MI) was employed to quantify the physical information shared between consecutive phonological segments, based on electromagnetic articulography data. In this study, MI is extended to quantifying coarticulatory resistance (CR) versus overlap in German using ultrasound imaging. Two measurements are tested as input to MI: (1) the highest point on the tongue body and (2) the first coefficient of the discrete Fourier transform (DFT) of the whole tongue contour. Both measures are used to examine changes in coarticulation between two time points during the syllable span: the consonant midpoint and the vowel onset. Results corroborate previous findings reporting differences in coarticulatory overlap in German and across languages. Further, results suggest that MI used with the highest point on the tongue body captures distinctions related both to place and manner of articulation, while the first DFT coefficient does not provide any additional information regarding global (whole tongue) as opposed to local (individual articulator) aspects of CR. However, both methods capture temporal distinctions in coarticulatory resistance between the two time points. Results are discussed with respect to the potential of MI measure to provide a way of unifying coarticulation quantification methods across data collection techniques.
Language and Arithmetic
(2018)
We examined cross-domain semantic priming effects between arithmetic and language. We paired subtractions with their linguistic equivalent, exception phrases (EPs) with positive quantifiers (e.g., "everybody except John") while pairing additions with their own linguistic equivalent, EPs with negative quantifiers (e.g., "nobody except John"; Moltmann, 1995). We hypothesized that EPs with positive quantifiers prime subtractions and inhibit additions while EPs with negative quantifiers prime additions and inhibit subtractions. Furthermore, we expected similar priming and inhibition effects from arithmetic into semantics. Our design allowed for a bidirectional analysis by using one trial's target as the prime for the next trial. Two experiments failed to show significant priming effects in either direction. Implications and possible shortcomings are explored in the general discussion.
Variations within a subtype
(2018)
Surface dyslexia is characterised by poor reading of irregular words while nonword reading can be completely normal. Previous work has identified several theoretical possibilities for the underlying locus of impairment in surface dyslexia. In this study, we systematically investigated whether children with surface dyslexia showed different patterns of reading performance that could be traced back to different underlying levels of impairment. To do this, we tested 12 English readers, replicating previous work in Hebrew (Gvion & Friedmann, 2013; 2016; Friedmann & Lukov, 2008; Friedmann & Gvion, 2016). In our sample, we found that poor irregular word reading was associated with deficits at the level of the orthographic input lexicon and with impaired access to meaning and spoken word forms after processing written words in the orthographic input lexicon. There were also children whose surface dyslexia seemed to be caused by impairments of the phonological output lexicon. We suggest that further evidence is required to unequivocally support a fourth pattern where the link between orthography and meaning is intact while the link between orthography and spoken word forms is not functioning. All patterns found were consistent with dual route theory while possible patterns of results, which would be inconsistent with dual route theory, were not detected. Crown Copyright (C) 2018 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
The book by Božena Bednaříková, Slovo a jeho konverze (‘BSJK’), was originally published in 2009. However, in our view, there has not yet been given a due consideration and certainly not recognition as a genuine new territory of word formation. This is the reason to write a short review in order to give this book the consideration it has by large and far deserved. For in this book, two theoretically interesting working hypotheses are represented and covered by numerous examples of the Czech contemporary language: (i) conversion is the central process (not derivation), and (ii) conversion belongs to morphology and not (just) to word formation.
The book is divided into 9 sections. The section 1 (p. 13–14) gives the road map of the book, in section 2 (p. 15–42), the central concern about the position of word as a central unit of morphology (form formation) is established. In this chapter, the traditional views of Czech descriptive and Academic grammars but also manuals and handbooks or teacher’s books for high schools are reviewed. In most of them, word formation is considered being a part of lexicology, and not an integral part of morphology or better form formation. The review serves not only the improvement towards a unifying grammatical terminology in academic circles (university and academy of science) but it should also improve the quality of teaching at elementary and high schools (cf. 2.6., p. 31–42: Školský exkurz). Bednaříková is famous for her leading role as missing link between the Academia and the consumers of grammars. In chapter 3, entitled Návrat slova ‘The return of the word’ (into the Morphology, p. 43–54), arguments in favor of a morphological approach are raised. In this important methodological chapter, the main reasons are given why the word must be a central part of the form formation (morphology/grammar) and not of the lexicology. In addition, key terms such as stem, root and affix are subject to revision. The chapter is very brief, but very precise in its reasoning and arguments, in which the formal teaching is assigned a central supporting role in the context of conversion and transposition. In chapter 4 Slovo jako slovní druh (‘The word as a pars orationis’, p. 55–70), the syntactic function of transposition of one pars orationis to another with the means of conversion is considered. In Chapter 5, the central role of morphology for word formation is analyzed taking as starting point Mel’čuks theory which is understood as the analysis of morphological processes (cf. Mel’čuk, I. 2000. Morphological processes. In G. Booji, Ch. Lehmann, J. Mugdan, & S. Skopeteas (eds.), Morphologie/Morphology. Vol. 1, 523–535. Berlin & New York). The innovative part of the book are without any doubt the chapters 6–9, in which the internal structure of the word is introduced (chapter 6, 79–122), furthermore the part of speech transfer (or PS Transfer) including the conversion (Chapter 7, 123–149), once more the transposition understood as the shift from one part of speech to the other and concentrating on nouns, verbs and adjectives (Chapter 8, 150–201), and, finally, transflexion, “transflexe” (chapter 9, 203–219), which belongs rather to the domain of derivation than to a new type of word formation, and which does not include the transposition from one part of speech to another but rather the transition from one declension class to another. However, it is to be criticized that in some chapters, certain systematics are missing (this is expressed for example in the repetition of the same phenomenon in several places), and the illustrations in the form of derivation trees or the abbreviations are not always transparent and explicitly defined. It took a very long time until I received information about the abbreviation “S”.
I would now like to give a short statement concerning the innovative potential and the contribution of the book itself as compared to the western standard on the same topic. At the beginning of the monograph, the author raises the central concerns of her two hypotheses. In her study, she is concerned with the bases of morphemic analysis of word formation and with the function of the syntagma. In view of methodology, two central acts of actualization are, following Mathesius’ terminology, under review: first, the category called “pojmenovávací”, and second, the category called “usouvztažňovací” (cf. also Mathesius, V. 1982. Jazyk, kultura a slovesnost; Daneš, F. 1991.Mathesiova koncepce funkční gramatiky v kontextu dnešní jazykovědy. In SaS 52. 161–174 and Panevová, J. 2010. Kategorie pojmenovávací a usouvztažňovací [Jak František Daneš rozvíjí Viléma Mathesia]. In S. Čmejrková & J. Hoffmannová ad. [eds.], Užívání a prožívání jazyka, 21–26.). Her major concern is thus to establish a missing link between an analysis of word formation and form formation (morphology). Her morphemic analysis of word formation processes wants to “combat traditional school views of word formation as a (mechanical) connection of the root, prefix, and suffix”. Doing so, she analyzes in the book the relationship between transfer, transposition (as change of partes orationis) and conversion (as the operation process serving transposition). In the last chapter 8, BSJK re-introduces and refines the term transflection (BSJK 2009,13).
This book is important for its consistent satisfactory treatment of the term conversion as a morphological process in the Czech tradition; still we cannot confirm that in European context, this topic would be “seriously under-researched” (cited from the introduction, Chapter 1, p. 13). The contrary is true, in context of English word formation besides the most influential work by Marchand (Marchand, H. 1996. The categories and types of present-day English word-formation: A synchronic diachronic approach. 2nd ed. München), conversion as the most productive process of word formation has become perhaps the most researched object recently: to mention just a few influential monographs: Martsa, S. 2013. Conversion in English: A Cognitive Semantic Approach. Cambridge; Vogel, P. M. 1996. Wortarten und Wortartenwechsel. Berlin & New York.
The word formation called conversion originally comes from analytic languages such as English and French. Especially English is a language in which the derivation of a noun from a verb and vice versa causes a considerable large amount of homonymous forms in the dictionary and of course, this is not just a problem of morphology but especially a problem of any theoretical approach to language acquisition, cognitive semantics or even generative morphosyntax. Thus, in his seminal book, Language Instinct (1995), Steven Pinker argues persuasively that prescriptive grammar rules disallowing, among other things, the sentence-final use of prepositions, the splitting of infinitives and the conversion of nouns to verbs are both useless and nonsensical (371–379). As regards the conversion of nouns to verbs, he says: “[i]n fact the easy conversion of nouns to verbs has been part of English grammar for centuries; it is one of the processes that make English English” (ibidem: 379). To illustrate the easiness characterizing this type of conversion, he lists verbs converted from nouns designating human body parts, some of which are reproduced in (1):
(1) head a committee, scalp a missionary, eye a babe, nose around the office, mouth the lyrics, tongue each note on the flute, neck in the back seat, back the candidate, arm the militia, shoulder the burden, elbow your way in, finger the culprit, knuckle under, thumb a ride, belly up to the bar, stomach someone’s complaints, knee the goalie, leg it across the town, foot the bill, toe the line (cf. Pinker, S. 1995. The Language Instinct. New York, 379–380 and Pinker, S. 1996. Language learnability and language development. Cambridge MA)
Pinker estimates that approximately a fifth of English verbs originate from nouns, which, as documented extensively in Clark & Clark (Clark, E. V. & H. H. Clark. 1979. When nouns surface as verbs. In Language 55. 767–811), may also have to do with the fact that new or innovative verbs in English arise predominantly from conversion of nouns to verbs.
Without questioning the dominance of noun to verb conversion, I shall claim in this review that it is not only the easy conversion of verbs from nouns, but, more broadly, conversion as a word-formation process that makes English English. Consider, for instance, (2) below demonstrating that the easiness of forming conversion verbs equally characterizes, though in a lesser degree, the conversion of nouns from verbs. The expressions given in (2) are modelled on Pinker’s above examples by the seminal work of Sándor Martsa (2013. Conversion in English: A Cognitive Semantic Approach. Cambridge), and they contain nouns converted from verbs designating actions functionally related to different parts of the human body.
(2) have your say, give a shout, let out a shriek / a cry, give a talk, take a look at the notes, keep a close watch, down the whisky with a swallow, have a chew on it, have a smell of this cheese, with a smile, the touch of her fingers, Hey! Nice catch! go for a run, it’s worth a go, go for a walk
Thus, the major difference between the term konverze as introduced and defended in BSJK (2009, 149) on one hand, and the English type of conversion mostly called “Zero-Derivation” by a zero morpheme (as Marchand 1969 op. cit., has called it) is to be found inside of the two quite different systems of word formation.
Czech very rarely allows for pure zero derivation such as demonstrated in the English examples (1)-(2).
Despite this major difference, even Czech language being still a highly inflectional language with rich case, number and declension system and agreement, nevertheless more and more allows for similar word formations typical for English with a true zero affixation, e. g. tunnel > to tunnel : Cz tunel > tunelovat and this process is an integral part of the grammar because it includes even the category of verbal aspect deriving also the perfective forms and negated verbs such as nevytunelovalo peníze,
ve snaze “politicky korektně” uctít Havlovu památku jednotliví ministři české vlády přislíbili, že přestanou tento stát vykrádat a tunelovat, tedy alespoň do začátku příštího roku; Nové vedení Obce spisovatelů a jeho sekretariát nevytunelovalo peníze Obce spisovatelů, vždyť nebylo ani co tunelovat, naopak zachránilo tuto organizaci před téměř nezvratným koncem (ČNK. Last accessed July 10, 2018).
Thus conversion is becoming more and more an important process of word and form formation in the system of Czech word formation and morphology.
One critical observation remains to be mentioned: The book is solid but in a certain sense restricted to just functional approaches not considering or even including the important contribution of alternative approaches in formal linguistics. Thus, mainstream generative syntax, based on the theory of government and binding or minimalism (introduced by Noam Chomsky in 1981 and 1995), are not reviewed in this book even though there are many allusions including the important role of syntax for word formation (this is an important demand on any theory of word formation, cf. also Dokulil, M. 1962. K vzájemnému poměru slovotvorby a skladby. In Acta Universitatis Carolinae: SLAVICA PRAGENSIA IV, 369–375. UK, Praha).
Most of the recent work devoted to a theoretical approach of minimalism considers conversion as a “syntactic decomposition” based on root semantics (cf. e. g. Borer, H. 2005. In name only: Structuring sense Vol. I. & The normal course of events: Structuring sense Vol. II. Oxford; Harley, H. & R. Noyer. 1999. State-of-the article: Distributed Morphology. In GLOT 4. 3–9; Halle, M. & A. Marantz. 1993. Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In Keyser, S. J. & K. Hale (eds.), The view from Building 20, 111–176. Cambridge.). A recent development in minimalism is the concept of roots and categorial features (cf. Panagiotidis, Ph. 2014. Categorial Features. A Generative Theory of Word Class Categories. Cambridge.). This theory differentiates between so-called true “denominal verbs tape-type verbs” as opposed to those verbs which are “directly derived from a root hammer-type”. The structural differences between them are argued by Panagiotidis (2014: 63) “to account for the idiosyncratic meaning of the latter, as opposed to the predictable and systematic meaning of the former”. The two types are demonstrated under (3) vs. (4)
(3) nP vP
/ \ / \
N HAMMER v xP
/ \
HAMMER x
(Panagiotidis op. cit., 2014: 63)
In (3) to the left, the nominalizer head n takes a root complement, nominalizing it syntactically. In the tree to the right, the root h a m m e r is a manner adjunct to an xP (schematically rendered) inside the vP. On the other hand, verbs like tape behave differently. They seem to be truly denominal, formed by converting a noun into a verb, by recategorizing the noun and not by categorizing a root. By hypothesis, the verbalizing head takes as its complement a structure that already contains a noun – that is, an nP in which the root tape has already been nominalized:
(4) nP vP
/ \ / \
N TAPE v xP
/ \
np. X
/ \
n TAPE
(Panagiotidis 2014:63)
As opposed to this approach, the present monograph uses the term “transpozice” (‘transposition’) as the change of parts of speech of different classes by the means of konverze (‘conversion’) (chapter 8, 151–201). We will just mention one typical class or type of such conversions as given under (5) and (6):
(5) kapř
/ \
Kapř í
(BSJK,156)
(6) výlov [vylovit]
/ \
vý [vy] lov [lovit]
(BSJK, 180)
In summary, I would see the great merit of the publication especially in a new view on ancient phenomena. Additionally, the work also excels in a thorough multi-level analysis of conversion, transposition and transflexion, including consideration of morphonological alternations and differences of semantic interpretation by adding or removing a specific onomasiological feature (according to the onomasiological word formation theory of Dokulil, M. 1962. Tvoření slov v češtině. Teorie odvozování slov. Praha.).
Above all, I value the book because of its consistent insistence on the role of shaping for conversion as a part of morphology (form formation). I also think that conversion will play an increasingly important role in the further development of the Czech language, both for system external reasons, as a language contact phenomenon for English, but also for system inherent reasons, triggered and flanked by the tendency towards analytism and simplification, and finally the gradual reduction of the complex inflectional system of nouns and verbs.
For the theoretical linguist, this book may not be a substitute for word-formation theories such as Marchand, op. cit. (1969) or Dokulil, op. cit. (1962, 1968); but it is a very stimulating and original study in which a more thorough reading could lead to a differentiated view than that given here, showing the differences between a true zero-derivative language such as English based on a more elaborated morpho-syntactic generative theory of root semantics by Panagiotidis (2014) in which the term conversion is very different from that presented in Bednaříkovás book (see Examples 1 and 2), and a derivational language such as Czech with additional affixes and other word-forming means more clearly.
The author is to be recommended for bridging the gap with traditional (and, in my view, not negligible) theories and newer views. The work must necessarily have place in every slavist’s and bohemist’s book shelf.
Recent treatment protocols have been successful in improving working memory (WM) in individuals with aphasia. However, the evidence to date is small and the extent to which improvements in trained tasks of WM transfer to untrained memory tasks, spoken sentence comprehension, and functional communication is yet poorly understood. To address these issues, we conducted a multiple baseline study with three German-speaking individuals with chronic post stroke aphasia. Participants practised two computerised WM tasks (n-back with pictures and aback with spoken words) four times a week for a month, targeting two WM processes: updating WM representations and resolving interference. All participants showed improvement on at least one measure of spoken sentence comprehension and everyday memory activities. Two of them showed improvement also on measures of WM and functional communication. Our results suggest that WM can be improved through computerised training in chronic aphasia and this can transfer to spoken sentence comprehension and functional communication in some individuals.