Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (941) (remove)
Language
Is part of the Bibliography
- yes (941) (remove)
Keywords
- Verwaltung (5)
- Deutschland (3)
- Germany (3)
- Migration (3)
- Sprachgeschichte (3)
- digitalization (3)
- knowledge management (3)
- territorial reforms (3)
- China (2)
- Corona (2)
Institute
- Bürgerliches Recht (222)
- Öffentliches Recht (98)
- Institut für Romanistik (80)
- Historisches Institut (68)
- Strafrecht (62)
- Fachgruppe Politik- & Verwaltungswissenschaft (60)
- Sozialwissenschaften (45)
- Fachgruppe Betriebswirtschaftslehre (42)
- Fachgruppe Soziologie (29)
- Institut für Jüdische Studien und Religionswissenschaft (28)
The successful Austrian pop-musician Andreas Gabalier has devoted several of his songs to his Styrian homeland. Gabalier's work and performance has often been per-ceived as nationalist. When analyzing some of his lyrics, an astonishing observation can be made: Most references to the »homeland« are backward-looking. This article argues that the remarkable lack of a national »future« in Gabalier's work is charac-teristic for contemporary nationalist manifestations, not only in popular culture, but also in ideologies and politics. The article introduces a new typology of nationalist movements. With regard to the character of the related nation-state, three types are discussed: »constructive nationalism« whereby the nationalist movement strives for a future sovereign nation state; »maintaining nationalism« wherein a nation state already exists; and »reconstructive nationalism« where nationalists believe that the nation state has lost its independence, sovereignty, and freedom in the course of globalization and hope for a reconstruction. However, these types are defined here as »ideal types« in a Weberian sense and will hardly be found in their »pure« forms in history or social reality.
Deutsche Bürger
(2021)
Vorwort
(2021)
Antisemitismus
(2023)
Ist Antisemitismus ein Rassismus, der sich gegen Jüdinnen und Juden richtet? Nein, er ist ein eigenständiges Phänomen, zu dessen Besonderheiten gehört, dass er häufig mit einem System der Weltverschwörung verknüpft wird. Doch es gibt rassistischen Antisemitismus. Auch die Shoah basierte auf einer rassistischen Einteilung von Menschen.
Der homo oeconomicus als einziges Leitbild der Gesellschaft – Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage, wie ein Verständnis der neoliberalen Subjektivierung als Grundlage für die sozioökonomische Bildung dienen kann, um einer Entwicklung zu einer marktkonformen Demokratie entgegenzuwirken. Ausgehend von Foucaults Vorlesungen zur Biopolitik und Browns aktueller Analyse zum Neoliberalismus wird ein soziologischer Erklärungsansatz formuliert, der das Menschenbild des homo oeconomicus als strukturelles Element unserer Gesellschaft begreift. Mit Bezug auf die besondere Rolle der neoliberalen Rationalität erläutert der Beitrag Sichtweisen, die in dieser Entwicklung ein Ende der liberal-demokratischen Ordnung sehen. Im zweiten Teil wird im Sinne der immanenten Kritik eine ideologiekritische Analysekompetenz skizziert, welche die soziale Wirklichkeit mithilfe von Schlüsselproblemen an eine gesellschaftskritische Perspektive koppelt. Ziel ist es, exemplarisch „gesellschaftliche Ordnungsgrundlagen“ (Salomon 2014) herauszufordern, um letztlich das übergeordnete Ziel einer Mündigkeit der Subjekte zu erreichen.
The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault’s lectures on biopolitics and Brown’s current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines – through immanent critique – an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier & Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232–239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry.
Holocaust Education
(2020)
Extreme-right terrorism is a threat that is often underestimated by the public at large. As this paper argues, this is partly due to a concept of terrorism utilized by policymakers, intelligence agents, and police investigators that is based on experience of international terrorism perpetrated by leftists or jihadists as opposed to domestic extreme-right violence. This was one reason why investigators failed to identify the crimes committed by the National Socialist Underground (NSU) in Germany (2000–2011) as extreme-right terrorism, for example. While scholarly debate focused on the Red Army Faction and Al Qaeda, terrorist tendencies among those perpetrating racist and extreme-right violence tended to be disregarded. Influential researchers in the field of “extremism” denied that terrorist acts were committed by right-wingers. By mapping the specifics regarding the strategic use of violence, target selection, addressing of different audiences etc., this paper proposes a more accurate definition of extreme-right terrorism. In comparing it to other forms of terrorism, extreme-right terrorism is distinguished by its specific framework of ideologies and practices, with the underlying idea of an essential inequality that is compensated for through the affirmation of violence. It can be differentiated from other forms of extreme-right violence based on its use of strategic, premeditated and planned attacks against targets of a symbolic nature.
Warten auf den Tag X
(2022)
"Come together in Rostock"
(2023)
Taten statt Worte
(2023)
Vorwort
(2023)
Sinnlose Gewalt?
(2023)
The conception of property at the basis of Hegel’s conception of abstract right seems committed to a problematic form of “possessive individualism.” It seems to conceive of right as the expression of human mastery over nature and as based upon an irreducible opposition of person and nature, rightful will, and rightless thing. However, this chapter argues that Hegel starts with a form of possessive individualism only to show that it undermines itself. This is evident in the way Hegel unfolds the nature of property as it applies to external things as well as in the way he explains our self-ownership of our own bodies and lives. Hegel develops the idea of property to a point where it reaches a critical limit and encounters the “true right” that life possesses against the “formal” and “abstract right” of property. Ultimately, Hegel’s account suggests that nature should precisely not be treated as a rightless object at our arbitrary disposal but acknowledged as the inorganic body of right.