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In this paper, we provide a comprehensive multivariate cointegration analysis of three parts of the steam coal value chain - export, transport and import prices. The analysis is based on a rich dataset of international coal prices: in particular, we combine data on steam coal prices with freight rates, covering the period December 2001 until August 2009 at weekly frequency. We then test whether the demand and supply side components of steam coal trade are consistently integrated with one another. In addition, export and import prices as well as freight rates for individual trading routes, across regions and globally are combined. We find evidence of significant yet incomplete integration. We also find heterogeneous short-term dynamics of individual markets. Furthermore, we examine whether logistics enter coal price dynamics through transportation costs, which are mainly determined by oil prices. Our results suggest that this is generally not the case.
In a longitudinal sample of Icelandic children (7.9-12-15 years; n=109) the developmental relations between of control beliefs (locus of control) and school achievement were examined on the background of child rearing practices, socialization conditions, and social class from childhood to adolescence. Results show that supportive and restrictive socialization conditions in social classes affect school achievement as well as the development of control beliefs. Supportive child rearing practices in upper class families encourage the development of internal control beliefs in adolescence, and are coincident with higher school achievement. On the other hand, restrictive child rearing practices appear independent of social class and generally hinder the development of internal control beliefs and positive school achievement. Results of a path model suggest a lagged relationship between school achievement and control beliefs. School achievement in childhood (ages 7 and 9) predicts internal control beliefs in adolescence.
Whereas the US President signed the Kyoto Protocol, the failure of the US Congress to ratify it seriously hampered subsequent international climate cooperation. This recent US trend, of signing environmental treaties but failing to ratify them, could thwart attempts to come to a future climate agreement. Two complementary explanations of this trend are proposed. First, the political system of the US has distinct institutional features that make it difficult for presidents to predict whether the Senate will give its advice and consent to multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) and whether Congress will pass the required enabling legislation. Second, elected for a fixed term, US presidents might benefit politically from supporting MEAs even when knowing that legislative support is not forthcoming. Four policy implications are explored, concerning the scope for unilateral presidential action, the potential for bipartisan congressional support, the effectiveness of a treaty without the US, and the prospects for a deep, new climate treaty.
Policy relevance
Why does the failure of US ratification of multilateral environmental treaties occur? This article analyses the domestic political mechanisms involved in cases of failed US ratification. US non-participation in global environmental institutions often has serious ramifications. For example, it sharply limited Kyoto's effectiveness and seriously hampered international climate negotiations for years. Although at COP 17 in Durban the parties agreed to negotiate a new agreement by 2015, a new global climate treaty may well trigger a situation resembling the one President Clinton faced in 1997 when he signed Kyoto but never obtained support for it in the Senate. US failure to ratify could thwart future climate agreements.
Over the last three decades, the German political economy can be characterized by both institutional continuity and change. Understanding the dynamics of institutional change therefore requires an examination of the interplay of changes in formal institutional rules and how organizations respond to these changes by strategic attempts to promote or hinder further change in institutions. The macro-level political story of institutional change shows a number of paradoxes resulting in unexpected and often incomplete forms of market liberalization shaped by continued support for some core features of Germany's social market economy. The resulting erosion of Germany's co-ordinated model of economic organization through networks and business associations has gone hand-in-hand with the attempts to preserve these institutions for core workers and sectors of the economy in the face of changing environments. The result is a more varied institutional landscape characterized by international diffusion of liberal policies and the politics of their variable re-embedding within a long-term path of institutional continuity.
This article calls for a holistic perspective on parliamentary change through the analytical lens of parliamentary agenda powers. In addition to agenda control, the concept of agenda powers not only refers to the ability of parliamentary actors to directly influence parliamentary output through legislation (efficiency), but also to exert indirect influence through controlling the government (effectiveness) and through affecting public opinion (legitimacy). The concept of agenda powers comprises the formal institutional rules underlying the distribution of the parliamentary agenda, the factual application of these rules and the organisational powers enabling actors to make use of their time. The distribution of agenda powers can be explained by the sequencing of legitimacy, effectiveness, and efficiency reforms. Consequently, the concept of parliamentary agenda powers allows for a comparative long-term analysis of parliamentary change. Furthermore, the concept of parliamentary agenda powers enables us to operationalise normative scenarios of a de-parliamentarisation and the alleged transitions towards post- or neo-parliamentarian democracy.
Queerly intimate friends, fans and affective communication in a Super Girl fan fiction community
(2012)
This article examines the rise of the Girls' Love (GL) fan fiction community in contemporary China. More specifically, we focus on the 'Pink Super Girl Bar', an online fan fiction community devoted to the pairing of the contestants of the 2006 season of Super Girl, an entertainment program featured on Hunan Satellite TV that enjoys great popularity in the Sinophone world. Through an ethnographic account of the formation, convention and performativity of identities and socialities in this community, we demonstrate how Super Girl GL fans mobilize their emotional capital to create artworks, to have fun and to enrich their everyday lives. We argue that the GL fan fiction community has become a space of female homosociality, intimacy and affect in which a new generation of young Chinese women actively enact friendship and female subjectivity in a way that refuses the normalization of gender, sexuality and social relations. Moreover, by linking fan studies to affect studies and emotional geography, and by paying particular attention to indigenous concepts and cultural practices in mainland China's fan communities, we wish to contribute to fan studies with feminist, queer and transnational perspectives.