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Individuals with aphasia vary in the speed and accuracy they perform sentence comprehension tasks. Previous results indicate that the performance patterns of individuals with aphasia vary between tasks (e.g., Caplan, DeDe, & Michaud, 2006; Caplan, Michaud, & Hufford, 2013a). Similarly, it has been found that the comprehension performance of individuals with aphasia varies between homogeneous test sentences within and between sessions (e.g., McNeil, Hageman, & Matthews, 2005). These studies ascribed the variability in the performance of individuals with aphasia to random noise. This conclusion would be in line with an influential theory on sentence comprehension in aphasia, the resource reduction hypothesis (Caplan, 2012). However, previous studies did not directly compare variability in language-impaired and language-unimpaired adults. Thus, it is still unclear how the variability in sentence comprehension differs between individuals with and without aphasia. Furthermore, the previous studies were exclusively carried out in English. Therefore, the findings on variability in sentence processing in English still need to be replicated in a different language.
This dissertation aims to give a systematic overview of the patterns of variability in sentence comprehension performance in aphasia in German and, based on this overview, to put the resource reduction hypothesis to the test. In order to reach the first aim, variability was considered on three different dimensions (persons, measures, and occasions) following the classification by Hultsch, Strauss, Hunter, and MacDonald (2011). At the dimension of persons, the thesis compared the performance of individuals with aphasia and language-unimpaired adults. At the dimension of measures, this work explored the performance across different sentence comprehension tasks (object manipulation, sentence-picture matching). Finally, at the dimension of occasions, this work compared the performance in each task between two test sessions. Several methods were combined to study variability to gain a large and diverse database. In addition to the offline comprehension tasks, the self-paced-listening paradigm and the visual world eye-tracking paradigm were used in this work.
The findings are in line with the previous results. As in the previous studies, variability in sentence comprehension in individuals with aphasia emerged between test sessions and between tasks. Additionally, it was possible to characterize the variability further using hierarchical Bayesian models. For individuals with aphasia, it was shown that both between-task and between-session variability are unsystematic. In contrast to that, language-unimpaired individuals exhibited systematic differences between measures and between sessions. However, these systematic differences occurred only in the offline tasks. Hence, variability in sentence comprehension differed between language-impaired and language-unimpaired adults, and this difference could be narrowed down to the offline measures.
Based on this overview of the patterns of variability, the resource reduction hypothesis was evaluated. According to the hypothesis, the variability in the performance of individuals with aphasia can be ascribed to random fluctuations in the resources available for sentence processing. Given that the performance of the individuals with aphasia varied unsystematically, the results support the resource reduction hypothesis. Furthermore, the thesis proposes that the differences in variability between language-impaired and language-unimpaired adults can also be explained by the resource reduction hypothesis. More specifically, it is suggested that the systematic changes in the performance of language-unimpaired adults are due to decreasing fluctuations in available processing resources. In parallel, the unsystematic variability in the performance of individuals with aphasia could be due to constant fluctuations in available processing resources. In conclusion, the systematic investigation of variability contributes to a better understanding of language processing in aphasia and thus enriches aphasia research.
It is a well-attested finding in head-initial languages that individuals with aphasia (IWA) have greater difficulties in comprehending object-extracted relative clauses (ORCs) as compared to subject-extracted relative clauses (SRCs). Adopting the linguistically based approach of Relativized Minimality (RM; Rizzi, 1990, 2004), the subject-object asymmetry is attributed to the occurrence of a Minimality effect in ORCs due to reduced processing capacities in IWA (Garraffa & Grillo, 2008; Grillo, 2008, 2009). For ORCs, it is claimed that the embedded subject intervenes in the syntactic dependency between the moved object and its trace, resulting in greater processing demands. In contrast, no such intervener is present in SRCs. Based on the theoretical framework of RM and findings from language acquisition (Belletti et al., 2012; Friedmann et al., 2009), it is assumed that Minimality effects are alleviated when the moved object and the intervening subject differ in terms of relevant syntactic features. For German, the language under investigation, the RM approach predicts that number (i.e., singular vs. plural) and the lexical restriction [+NP] feature (i.e., lexically restricted determiner phrases vs. lexically unrestricted pronouns) are considered relevant in the computation of Minimality. Greater degrees of featural distinctiveness are predicted to result in more facilitated processing of ORCs, because IWA can more easily distinguish between the moved object and the intervener.
This cumulative dissertation aims to provide empirical evidence on the validity of the RM approach in accounting for comprehension patterns during relative clause (RC) processing in German-speaking IWA. For that purpose, I conducted two studies including visual-world eye-tracking experiments embedded within an auditory referent-identification task to study the offline and online processing of German RCs. More specifically, target sentences were created to evaluate (a) whether IWA demonstrate a subject-object asymmetry, (b) whether dissimilarity in the number and/or the [+NP] features facilitates ORC processing, and (c) whether sentence processing in IWA benefits from greater degrees of featural distinctiveness. Furthermore, by comparing RCs disambiguated through case marking (at the relative pronoun or the following noun phrase) and number marking (inflection of the sentence-final verb), it was possible to consider the role of the relative position of the disambiguation point. The RM approach predicts that dissimilarity in case should not affect the occurrence of Minimality effects. However, the case cue to sentence interpretation appears earlier within RCs than the number cue, which may result in lower processing costs in case-disambiguated RCs compared to number-disambiguated RCs.
In study I, target sentences varied with respect to word order (SRC vs. ORC) and dissimilarity in the [+NP] feature (lexically restricted determiner phrase vs. pronouns as embedded element). Moreover, by comparing the impact of these manipulations in case- and number-disambiguated RCs, the effect of dissimilarity in the number feature was explored. IWA demonstrated a subject-object asymmetry, indicating the occurrence of a Minimality effect in ORCs. However, dissimilarity neither in the number feature nor in the [+NP] feature alone facilitated ORC processing. Instead, only ORCs involving distinct specifications of both the number and the [+NP] features were well comprehended by IWA. In study II, only temporarily ambiguous ORCs disambiguated through case or number marking were investigated, while controlling for varying points of disambiguation. There was a slight processing advantage of case marking as cue to sentence interpretation as compared to number marking.
Taken together, these findings suggest that the RM approach can only partially capture empirical data from German IWA. In processing complex syntactic structures, IWA are susceptible to the occurrence of the intervening subject in ORCs. The new findings reported in the thesis show that structural dissimilarity can modulate sentence comprehension in aphasia. Interestingly, IWA can override Minimality effects in ORCs and derive correct sentence meaning if the featural specifications of the constituents are maximally different, because they can more easily distinguish the moved object and the intervening subject given their reduced processing capacities. This dissertation presents new scientific knowledge that highlights how the syntactic theory of RM helps to uncover selective effects of morpho-syntactic features on sentence comprehension in aphasia, emphasizing the close link between assumptions from theoretical syntax and empirical research.