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Processing of ellipsis with garden-path antecedents in French and German

  • In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup forIn a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup for ambiguous antecedents may be due to occasional retrievals of an incorrect structure.zeige mehrzeige weniger

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Metadaten
Verfasserangaben:Dario L. J. F. PaapeORCiDGND, Barbara Hemforth, Shravan VasishthORCiDGND
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0198620
ISSN:1932-6203
Titel des übergeordneten Werks (Englisch):PLoS ONE
Untertitel (Englisch):Evidence from eye tracking
Verlag:PLOS
Verlagsort:San Francisco
Publikationstyp:Wissenschaftlicher Artikel
Sprache:Englisch
Datum der Erstveröffentlichung:13.06.2018
Erscheinungsjahr:2018
Datum der Freischaltung:26.07.2018
Freies Schlagwort / Tag:activation; ambiguities; clauses; discourse; hypothesis; lingering misinterpretation; memory; sentence comprehension; verb-phrase ellipsis
Band:13
Ausgabe:6
Erste Seite:1
Letzte Seite:46
Fördernde Institution:Universität Potsdam, Publikationsfonds
Fördernummer:PA 2018_38
Organisationseinheiten:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät
Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften
DDC-Klassifikation:5 Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik / 50 Naturwissenschaften / 500 Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik
6 Technik, Medizin, angewandte Wissenschaften / 61 Medizin und Gesundheit / 610 Medizin und Gesundheit
Peer Review:Referiert
Fördermittelquelle:Publikationsfonds der Universität Potsdam
Publikationsweg:Open Access
Lizenz (Deutsch):License LogoCC-BY - Namensnennung 4.0 International
Externe Anmerkung:Zweitveröffentlichung in der Schriftenreihe Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe ; 452
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