TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen T1 - Die Transatlantische Sicherheitspolitik und ihre künftige Entwicklung : Weg frei für Osteuropa? Y1 - 1995 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen T1 - Unterste Grenze : zum brandenburgischen Gemeindefinanzierungsgesetz 1995 Y1 - 1995 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen T1 - Wird Osteuropa vergessen : pro und contra Y1 - 1995 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen T1 - Einmalige Chance : Funktionalreform in Ostdeutschland Y1 - 1995 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Boogers, Marcel A1 - Ruano, Jose M. A1 - Schaap, Linze T1 - Introduction Y1 - 2007 SN - 978-90-352-4176-3 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Boogers, Marcel A1 - Ruano, Jose M. A1 - Schaap, Linze T1 - Conclusions : Governance and Democracy at the Local Level - Structures, Processes and Tensions Y1 - 2007 SN - 978-90-352-4176-3 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Büchner, Christiane T1 - Kommunale Selbstverwaltung in Brandenburg Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Crome, Erhard A1 - Montag, Claus A1 - Schrader, Lutz T1 - Neue Herausforderungen an die europäische Sicherheitspolitik in den neunziger Jahren (Thesen) Y1 - 1992 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Newiger, Griet T1 - Personal und Verwaltungsreform in ostdeutschen Kommunen Y1 - 1997 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Schwarz, Siegfried K. T1 - NATO-Osterweiterung : Bericht über eine Konferenz ; Thesen zur weiteren Debatte Y1 - 1996 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzmann, Simon T. T1 - Competition, contest, and cooperation the analytic framework of the issue market JF - Journal of theoretical politics N2 - Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters' demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations. KW - cooperation KW - innovation KW - issue market KW - party competition KW - veto point Y1 - 2011 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0951629811411747 SN - 0951-6298 SN - 1460-3667 VL - 23 IS - 3 SP - 317 EP - 343 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Freytag, Ronald A1 - Sturzbecher, Dietmar T1 - Die Psychologie des Antisemitismus Y1 - 2000 SN - 3-8017-1169-2 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Frieß, Nina A. T1 - "From Russia with Blood". Stalinist Repression an the Gulag in Contemporary Crime Fiction JF - (Hi-)Stories of the Gulag : fiction and reality Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-3-8253-6534-9 SP - 281 EP - 302 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fritsch, Nina-Sophie A1 - Verwiebe, Roland A1 - Liedl, Bernd T1 - Declining Gender Differences in Low-Wage Employment in Germany, Austria and Switzerland JF - Comparative Sociology N2 - Although the low-wage employment sector has enlarged over the past 20 years in the context of pronounced flexibility in restructured labor markets, gender differences in low-wage employment have declined in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. In this article, the authors examine reasons for declining gender inequalities, and most notably concentrate on explanations for the closing gender gap in low-wage employment risks. In addition, they identify differences and similarities among the German-speaking countries. Based on regression techniques and decomposition analyses (1996-2016), the authors find significantly decreasing labor market risks for the female workforce. Detailed analysis reveals that (1) the concrete positioning in the labor market shows greater importance in explaining declining gender differences compared to personal characteristics. (2) The changed composition of the labor markets has prevented the low-wage sector from increasing even more in general and works in favor of the female workforce and their low-wage employment risks in particular. KW - low-wage employment KW - gender inequality KW - labor market KW - Germany KW - Austria KW - Switzerland Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341507 SN - 1569-1322 SN - 1569-1330 VL - 18 IS - 4 SP - 449 EP - 488 PB - Brill CY - Leiden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fruhstorfer, Anna A1 - Hudson, Alexander T1 - Costs and benefits of accepting presidential term limits BT - should I stay or should I go? JF - Democratization N2 - As presidents approach the end of their constitutionally defined term in office, they face a number of difficulties, most importantly the deprivation of sources of power, personal enrichment, and protection from prosecution. This leads many of them to attempt to circumvent their term limits. Recent studies explain both the reasons for the extension or full abolition of term limits, and failed attempts to do so. Key explanations include electoral competition and the post-term fate of previous post holders. What we do not know yet is how compliance with term limits may be tied to the current president's expectations for their post-term fate. In particular, we do not know whether leaders who attempt to remove term limits and fail to do so jeopardize their post-term career as a result, and conversely, whether leaders who comply will have better outcomes in terms of security, prestige, and economic gain. Hence, we ask how the decision of a leader to comply or not comply with term limits is conditioned by the expectation of their post-term fate. To address this question, this article introduces new data on the career trajectories of term-limited presidents and its systematic effect on term limit compliance. KW - Presidents KW - head of state KW - term limits KW - executives KW - corruption KW - prestige KW - institutional change KW - constitutions Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1960314 SN - 1351-0347 SN - 1743-890X VL - 29 IS - 1 SP - 93 EP - 112 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fthenakis, Wassilios E. A1 - Nagel, B. A1 - Strätz, R. A1 - Sturzbecher, Dietmar A1 - Eirich, H. A1 - Mayr, T. T1 - Neue Konzepte für Kindertageseinrichtungen : eine empirische Studie zur Situations- und Problemdefinition der beteiligten Interessengruppen Y1 - 1998 SN - 3-7841-1106-8 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fthenakis, Wassilios E. A1 - Sturzbecher, Dietmar T1 - Entwicklungstendenzen und Perspektiven in der Kindertagesbetreuung Y1 - 1998 SN - 3-7841-1077-0 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuchs, Doris A1 - Lederer, Markus T1 - The power of business Y1 - 2007 UR - http://www.bepress.com/bap/vol9/iss3/art1/ SN - 1469-3569 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuertes, Vanesa A1 - Jantz, Bastian A1 - Klenk, Tanja A1 - McQuaid, Ronald T1 - Between cooperation and competition: The organisation of employment service delivery in the UK and Germany JF - International journal of social welfare N2 - The increased emphasis on labour market activation in many European countries has led to new forms of governance in recent decades. Primarily through qualitative data and document analysis, this article compares the restructuring of labour market service delivery in the UK and Germany. The comparison suggests the emergence of complex governance arrangements that seek to balance public regulation and accountability with the creation of room for market competition. As a result, we can observe in both countries a greater use of markets, but also of rules. While in both countries the relationships between different providers of labour market services can best be described as a mixture of cooperation and competition, differences exist in terms of instruments and the comprehensiveness of coordination initiatives. The findings suggest that the distinctions between governance models may be more important in theory than in practice, although the combinations of theoretical forms vary in different circumstances. KW - activation KW - coordination KW - employment services KW - Germany KW - governance KW - UK Y1 - 2014 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/ijsw.12100 SN - 1369-6866 SN - 1468-2397 VL - 23 SP - S71 EP - S86 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Introduction and Preview Y1 - 2004 SN - 0-8213-5707-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Context of change : decentralization and state reform in Latin America Y1 - 2004 SN - 0-8213-5707-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Modernizing a provincial public sector : an experiment in Mendoza, Argentina Y1 - 2004 SN - 0-8213-5707-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Globale Herausforderung, internationale Beziehungen und Entwicklungspolitik : offene Fragen und einige Anregungen Y1 - 1997 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Staatsreform und Verwaltungsmodernisierung : zur neuen Rolle des Staates in Lateinamerika = Reforma del Estado y modernización administrativa : acerca del nuevo papel del Estado en America Latina Y1 - 1998 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Konstruktiver Globalisierungsdruck? : einige Überlegungen zu den veränderten Rahmenbedingungen staatlichen Handelns in Entwicklungsländern Y1 - 1998 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Klimawandel und Entwicklungspolitik Y1 - 2013 SN - 978-3-941880-62-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - 'Governance' in Entwicklungsländern : neue Strukturanpassungspolitiken mit Demokratisierungspotential? Y1 - 1997 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - Institutional change and new incentive structures for development : can decentralization and better local governance help? Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Lederer, Markus T1 - Emerging modes of governance and climate protection : the Role of green companies in newly industrializing countries Y1 - 2008 SN - 978-81-8450-080-6 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Lederer, Markus T1 - Regieren in der Globalisierung Y1 - 2009 SN - 978-3-16-149743-8 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Lederer, Markus T1 - Varieties of carbon governance in newly industrializing Y1 - 2009 SN - 1070-4965 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Lederer, Markus A1 - Schröder, Miriam T1 - Klimaschutz und Entwicklungspolitik : der Beitrag privater Unternehmen Y1 - 2007 SN - 978-3-8329-3154-4 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - A new political system model BT - Semi-parliamentary government JF - European Journal for Political Research N2 - Semi-parliamentary government is a distinct executive-legislative system that mirrors semi-presidentialism. It exists when the legislature is divided into two equally legitimate parts, only one of which can dismiss the prime minister in a no-confidence vote. This system has distinct advantages over pure parliamentary and presidential systems: it establishes a branch-based separation of powers and can balance the ‘majoritarian’ and ‘proportional’ visions of democracy without concentrating executive power in a single individual. This article analyses bicameral versions of semi-parliamentary government in Australia and Japan, and compares empirical patterns of democracy in the Australian Commonwealth as well as New South Wales to 20 advanced parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. It discusses new semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require formal bicameralism, and pays special attention to semi-parliamentary options for democratising the European Union. KW - semi-parliamentarism KW - bicameralism KW - Australia KW - New South Wales KW - Japan Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12224 SN - 0304-4130 SN - 1475-6765 VL - 57 IS - 2 SP - 261 EP - 281 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - The Empirical Uses of Theoretical Models BT - the Case of Veto Player Theory JF - Political studies review N2 - Veto player theory is a powerful approach to comparative politics. This article argues that the debate about its explanatory success would benefit from more systematic distinctions. The theory not only comes in different theoretical variants, it is also used in radically different ways empirically. Starting from recent debates about the ‘testing’ of theoretical models, the article distinguishes five ways in which theoretical models can be used empirically: contrastive, axiomatic, exploratory, presumptive and modular. The typology is applied to veto player theory and illustrated with exemplary studies and debates. The article concludes that each type raises different questions that should be answered in individual studies. Moreover, while veto player theory has an excellent track record on four empirical uses, the picture on its contrastive use is far more nuanced. More explicitly contrastive testing of the theory is desirable. KW - veto player theory KW - theory testing KW - empirical implications of theoretical models KW - contrastive empiricism Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12098 SN - 1478-9299 SN - 1478-9302 VL - 15 SP - 49 EP - 59 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Review article: Democratic inclusiveness : a reinterpretation of Lijphart's patterns of democracy N2 - This contribution to the study or democratic inclusiveness advances three main claims, based on Lijphart's original data First, his measurement of executive inclusiveness is incoherent and invalid. Secondly, executive inclusiveness is best explained by the interaction of many parties and strong legislative veto points. This implies that executive inclusiveness should not be contained in either of Lijphart's two dimensions of democracy. Thirdly, parties have incentives to economize on the costs of inclusive coalitions by avoiding strong legislative veto points, and these incentives are greater in parliamentary than in presidential systems. Hence. Lijphart's favourite version of consensus democracy - characterized by a parliamentary system and a high degree of executive inclusiveness - is unlikely to be a behavioural-institutional equilibrium. Y1 - 2010 UR - http://journals.cambridge.org/jid_JPS U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123410000128 SN - 0007-1234 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Equality-based comparison how to justify democratic institutions in the Real World JF - Politics N2 - Political scientists regularly justify particular democratic institutions. This article explores two desiderata for such justifications. The first is a formal equality baseline which puts the burden of justification on those who favour more unequal institutions. This baseline is seen as an implication of the rule of law. The second desideratum, the comparison requirement, builds on the first: adequate justifications of particular institutions must compare them to the best alternative, and this comparison must consider the costs for political equality. The two desiderata are applied to political science debates about the proportionality of the electoral system and bicameral systems of legislative decision-making. KW - electoral systems KW - second chambers KW - political equality KW - institutional design KW - public justification Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.12002 SN - 0263-3957 VL - 33 IS - 2 SP - 101 EP - 111 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy? Liberty, equality, and history in the justification of political institutions JF - Politics, philosophy & economics N2 - The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise 'neutral' democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus's own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies. KW - public-reason liberalism KW - democracy KW - coercion KW - political equality KW - majority rule KW - Gerald Gaus Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1470594X12447786 SN - 1470-594X VL - 12 IS - 2 SP - 179 EP - 196 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Bicameralism as a form of government (Or: Why Australia and Japan do not have a parliamentary system) JF - Parliamentary affairs : a journal of representative politics N2 - The article analyses a certain type of bicameralism not merely as a form of legislative organisation, but as a form of government-as a hybrid between parliamentarism and presidentialism. A new typology of pure and hybrid forms of government is proposed, which classifies bicameralism in Australia and Japan as chamber-independent government. This type is systematically compared with other forms of government, including hybrids like semi-presidentialism, elected prime-ministerial government in Israel (from 1996 to 2002) and assembly-independent government in Switzerland. The article highlights how chamber-independent government has the potential to combine different visions of democracy without leading to presidentialisation of political parties. Y1 - 2014 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gss081 SN - 0031-2290 SN - 1460-2482 VL - 67 IS - 3 SP - 647 EP - 663 PB - Oxford Univ. Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - The Regime-Trilemma: On the Relationship between the Executive and Legislature in advanced Democracies JF - Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung für Politische Wissenschaft N2 - A comprehensive typology of basic executive formats is presented and linked to a discussion of tradeoffs in the design of executive-legislative relations. The focus is on the tradeoffs between three goals: (1) programmatic parties, (2) identifiable cabinets and (3) issue -specific legislative coalitions. To include semi-presidentialism into the typology in a logically consistent manner, a heretofore neglected executive format has to be defined, which is labelled semi-parliamentarism. Based on a discussion of Australian states, it is argued that semi-parliamentarism has the potential to mitigate the trilemma. KW - executive-legislative relations KW - semi-parliamentarism KW - bicameralism Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.5771/0032-3470-2016-1-27 SN - 0032-3470 SN - 1862-2860 VL - 57 SP - 27 EP - + PB - Nomos CY - Hannover ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Research Design in Political Science - Causal perspectives versus contrastive theory testing JF - Austrian journal of political science N2 - Die politikwissenschaftliche Literatur unterscheidet zwei Grundtypen von Forschungsdesigns: x- und y-zentriert. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass ein „kontrastives“ Forschungsdesign als dritter Grundtyp abgegrenzt werden sollte. Die drei Designs unterscheiden sich durch die Anzahl der betrachteten Theorien und dadurch, ob mehrere Theorien konkurrierend oder komplementär sind. Die typologische Abgrenzung des kontrastiven Designs verdeutlicht auch die Vor- und Nachteile x- und y-zentrierter Designs. Anhand verschiedener Beispielstudien (experimentell und nicht-experimentell, quantitativ und qualitativ) werden die Charakteristika der drei Designs sowie ihre Kombinationsmöglichkeiten herausgearbeitet. Darüber hinaus wird das kontrastive Design als verbindendes Element zwischen den quantitativen und qualitativen Forschungs-„Kulturen“ hervorgehoben. The political science literature distinguishes two basic types of research designs: x- and y-centered. The article argues for the distinction of a third basic type: the "contrastive" design. The three designs differ in the number of relevant theories and in whether they see theories as competing or complementary. The typological differentiation of the contrastive research design helps to clarify the pros and cons of x- and y-centered designs. The article uses exemplary studies (experimental and observational, quantitative and qualitative) to illustrate the characteristics of the three designs as well as the possibilities of combining them. The contrastive design also constitutes a common element of the quantitative and qualitative research, "cultures". KW - Forschungsdesign, kausale Perspektiven, Theorietest, x-zentriert, y-zentriert, Experimente KW - research design KW - causal perspectives KW - theory test KW - effects of causes KW - causes of effects KW - experiments Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.15203/ozp.1037.vol45iss1 SN - 2313-5433 VL - 45 SP - 1 EP - 12 PB - Österreichische Gesellschaft für Politikwissenschaft CY - Wien ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Designing Democratic Constitutions BT - The Search for Optimality JF - Politics and Governance N2 - This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being. KW - electoral systems KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - semi-parliamentary government Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2239 SN - 2183-2463 VL - 7 IS - 4 SP - 243 EP - 253 PB - Cogitatio Press CY - Lisbon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Reconciling Representation and Accountability: Three Visions of Democracy Compared JF - Government & opposition : an international journal of comparative politics N2 - An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to ‘clarity of responsibility’, widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned – as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict. KW - visions of democracy KW - political equality KW - accountability Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.15 SN - 0017-257X SN - 1477-7053 VL - 51 SP - 209 EP - 233 PB - Cambridge Univ. Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Four Visions of Democracy: Powell's Elections as Instruments of Democracy and beyond JF - Political studies review N2 - The article critically reviews the conceptual ideas of G. Bingham Powell's Elections as Instruments of Democracy and explores ways to develop them further. Powell's conceptual alternative to the Westminster model - the 'proportional' vision of democracy - comes in two variants, one focusing on proportional representation ( PR) and the other on proportional legislative influence. If one focuses on the former, it is possible to distinguish four visions of parliamentary democracy based on the main stage at which majorities are formed. The four stages are: party, alliance, cabinet, and law formation. The corresponding normative visions can be placed on a conceptual continuum between 'simple' and 'complex' majoritarianism. This article discusses the goals and trade-offs associated with them as well as their underlying institutional designs. It also re-emphasises Powell's insight that the congruence between policy makers and the median voter in a unidimensional policy space is a more appropriate normative standard for some visions of democracy than for others. KW - G. Bingham Powell KW - visions of democracy KW - ideological congruence KW - simple majoritarianism KW - complex majoritarianism Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12069 SN - 1478-9299 SN - 1478-9302 VL - 13 IS - 1 SP - 69 EP - 79 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Justifying types of representative democracy BT - a response JF - Critical review of international social and political philosophy N2 - This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform. KW - political equality KW - semi-parliamentarism KW - presidentialism KW - institutional design KW - executive personalism Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665 SN - 1369-8230 SN - 1743-8772 SP - 1 EP - 12 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism BT - patterns of majority formation in 29 democracies JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi-parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - visions of democracy Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 211 EP - 233 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Semi-parliamentary government in perspective BT - concepts, values, and designs JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article responds to four commentaries on the concept of semi-parliamentary government and its application to Australian bicameralism. It highlights four main points: (1) Our preferred typology is not more ‘normative’ than existing approaches, but applies the criterion of ‘direct election’ equally to executive and legislature; (2) While the evolution of semi-parliamentary government had contingent elements, it plausibly also reflects the ‘equilibrium’ nature of certain institutional configurations; (3) The idea that a pure parliamentary system with pure proportional representation has absolute normative priority over ‘instrumentalist’ concerns about cabinet stability, identifiability and responsibility is questionable; and (4) The reforms we discuss may be unlikely to occur in Australia, but deserve consideration by scholars and institutional reformers in other democratic systems. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - visions of democracy KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451488 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 264 EP - 269 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Garcia, Anne-Laure A1 - Wobbe, Theresa T1 - Maternite, Mutterschaft, Mütterlichkeit : Familienpolitische Codierung im deutschen und französischen Kontext Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-3-593-39526-5 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna T1 - Streitbare Subjektivitaet : Diskurse der Transsexualität Y1 - 2001 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna A1 - Beger, Nico A1 - Frantzen, Jannik T1 - Differente Bewegungen : ein Gespräch über politische Aspekte von Transgender und anderen Bewegungen Y1 - 2002 SN - 3-89656-084-0 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna A1 - Hark, Sabine T1 - Die ambivalente Politik von Citizenship und ihre sexualpolitische Herausforderung Y1 - 2003 SN - 3-89691-216- X ER -