TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Designing Democratic Constitutions BT - The Search for Optimality JF - Politics and Governance N2 - This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being. KW - electoral systems KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - semi-parliamentary government Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2239 SN - 2183-2463 VL - 7 IS - 4 SP - 243 EP - 253 PB - Cogitatio Press CY - Lisbon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Reconciling Representation and Accountability: Three Visions of Democracy Compared JF - Government & opposition : an international journal of comparative politics N2 - An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to ‘clarity of responsibility’, widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned – as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict. KW - visions of democracy KW - political equality KW - accountability Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.15 SN - 0017-257X SN - 1477-7053 VL - 51 SP - 209 EP - 233 PB - Cambridge Univ. Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Four Visions of Democracy: Powell's Elections as Instruments of Democracy and beyond JF - Political studies review N2 - The article critically reviews the conceptual ideas of G. Bingham Powell's Elections as Instruments of Democracy and explores ways to develop them further. Powell's conceptual alternative to the Westminster model - the 'proportional' vision of democracy - comes in two variants, one focusing on proportional representation ( PR) and the other on proportional legislative influence. If one focuses on the former, it is possible to distinguish four visions of parliamentary democracy based on the main stage at which majorities are formed. The four stages are: party, alliance, cabinet, and law formation. The corresponding normative visions can be placed on a conceptual continuum between 'simple' and 'complex' majoritarianism. This article discusses the goals and trade-offs associated with them as well as their underlying institutional designs. It also re-emphasises Powell's insight that the congruence between policy makers and the median voter in a unidimensional policy space is a more appropriate normative standard for some visions of democracy than for others. KW - G. Bingham Powell KW - visions of democracy KW - ideological congruence KW - simple majoritarianism KW - complex majoritarianism Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12069 SN - 1478-9299 SN - 1478-9302 VL - 13 IS - 1 SP - 69 EP - 79 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Justifying types of representative democracy BT - a response JF - Critical review of international social and political philosophy N2 - This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform. KW - political equality KW - semi-parliamentarism KW - presidentialism KW - institutional design KW - executive personalism Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665 SN - 1369-8230 SN - 1743-8772 SP - 1 EP - 12 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism BT - patterns of majority formation in 29 democracies JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi-parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - visions of democracy Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 211 EP - 233 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Semi-parliamentary government in perspective BT - concepts, values, and designs JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article responds to four commentaries on the concept of semi-parliamentary government and its application to Australian bicameralism. It highlights four main points: (1) Our preferred typology is not more ‘normative’ than existing approaches, but applies the criterion of ‘direct election’ equally to executive and legislature; (2) While the evolution of semi-parliamentary government had contingent elements, it plausibly also reflects the ‘equilibrium’ nature of certain institutional configurations; (3) The idea that a pure parliamentary system with pure proportional representation has absolute normative priority over ‘instrumentalist’ concerns about cabinet stability, identifiability and responsibility is questionable; and (4) The reforms we discuss may be unlikely to occur in Australia, but deserve consideration by scholars and institutional reformers in other democratic systems. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - visions of democracy KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451488 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 264 EP - 269 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Garcia, Anne-Laure A1 - Wobbe, Theresa T1 - Maternite, Mutterschaft, Mütterlichkeit : Familienpolitische Codierung im deutschen und französischen Kontext Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-3-593-39526-5 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna T1 - Streitbare Subjektivitaet : Diskurse der Transsexualität Y1 - 2001 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna A1 - Beger, Nico A1 - Frantzen, Jannik T1 - Differente Bewegungen : ein Gespräch über politische Aspekte von Transgender und anderen Bewegungen Y1 - 2002 SN - 3-89656-084-0 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna A1 - Hark, Sabine T1 - Die ambivalente Politik von Citizenship und ihre sexualpolitische Herausforderung Y1 - 2003 SN - 3-89691-216- X ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Genschel, Corinna A1 - Lay, Caren A1 - Wagenknecht, Peter A1 - Woltersdorff, Volker T1 - Anschlüsse : [Nachwort der deutschen Ausg.] Y1 - 2001 SN - 3-89656-062-X ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Gerhards, Jürgen A1 - Sawert, Tim A1 - Kohler, Ulrich T1 - Des Kaisers alte Kleider: Fiktion und Wirklichkeit des Nutzens von Lateinkenntnissen T1 - The Emperor’s Old Clothes: Fiction and Reality of the Benefits of Knowledge of Latin JF - Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie N2 - Obwohl Latein eine nicht mehr gesprochene Sprache ist und ihr deswegen kein kommunikativer Nutzen zukommt, ist die Anzahl der Latein als Schulfach wählenden Schüler im Zeitverlauf angestiegen. Mehrere Studien haben zudem gezeigt, dass Lateinkenntnisse weder das logische Denken, noch den Erwerb anderer Sprachen, noch das Gespür für die grammatikalische Struktur der Muttersprache verbessern. Auch wenn sich empirisch keine Vorteile des Erwerbs alter Sprachen nachweisen lassen, können Menschen subjektiv an solche Vorteile glauben und ihr Verhalten an ihrer Konstruktion von Wirklichkeit ausrichten. Auf der Basis einer unter Eltern von Gymnasialschülern durchgeführten Befragung zeigen wir, dass Latein umfassende Transfereffekte zugeschrieben und Personen mit Lateinkenntnissen positiver bewertet werden als Personen mit Kenntnissen moderner Sprachen. Weiterhin zeigt sich, dass die „Illusio“ der Vorteile von Latein zwar in allen Bildungsgruppen wirksam ist, doch besonders von den Hochgebildeten vertreten wird. Sie arbeiten damit an der Konstruktion einer Realität, von der sie selbst die größten Nutznießer sind, indem sie Latein als symbolisches Kapital verwenden. N2 - Although Latin is a non-spoken language and therefore has no communicative value, the number of students choosing Latin as a foreign language at school has increased over time. Several studies have shown that learning Latin does neither improve logical thinking, nor the acquisition of other foreign languages, nor linguistic abilities in the mother tongue. Despite the empirical lack of benefits associated with the acquisition of ancient languages, people might believe in such benefits and behave in accordance with their construction of reality. Based on a survey conducted among parents of students at German high schools ("Gymnasium"), we show that parents extensively attribute transfer effects to learning Latin. Furthermore, people with knowledge of Latin are rated more positively than those with knowledge of modern languages with respect to their general and cultural education, as well as their social status. We also demonstrate that although the illusory of the benefits of Latin is prevalent in all educational groups, it is particularly pronounced among the higher educated. They construct a social reality of which they are the greatest beneficiaries by using Latin as a symbolic capital. KW - Education KW - Latin KW - Thomas theorem KW - Symbolic capital KW - Bildung KW - Latein KW - Thomas-Theorem KW - Symbolisches Kapital Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11577-019-00624-8 SN - 0023-2653 SN - 1861-891X VL - 71 IS - 2 SP - 309 EP - 326 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Girnus, Luisa T1 - Anforderungen an politische Legitimation im gesellschaftlichen Wandel und dessen Verhältnis zum politischen Lernen JF - Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben für die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-7344-0827-4 SP - 77 EP - 85 PB - Wochenschau Verlag CY - Frankfurt ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Girnus, Luisa A1 - Neuhof, Julia T1 - Der Wandel von Staatlichkeit als Ziel- und Ausgangspunkt politischen Lernens in der Praxis JF - Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben für die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-7344-0827-4 SP - 69 EP - 76 PB - Wochenschau Verlag CY - Frankfurt ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Graf, Patricia T1 - Erklärungsansätze der außerhochschulischen Forschungseinrichtungen zur Unterrepräsentation von Frauen Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-3-531-183252-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Graf, Patricia A1 - Dautzenberg, Kristi A1 - Büttner, Nadja A1 - Schmid, Sylvia T1 - Frauenkarriere in der Wissenschaft : eine vergleichende Analyse des Status quo Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-3-531-183252-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Graf, Patricia A1 - Schmid, Sylvia T1 - Organisationsstrukturen und ihr Einfluss auf die Karriereentwicklung von Wissenschaftlerinnen Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-3-531-183252-7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Grammes, Tilmann T1 - Staatsbürgerkunde zwischen Katechetik und Dialektik Y1 - 1996 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Großmann, Heidrun A1 - Huth, Sabine T1 - Sozialhilfeabhängigkeit Alleinerziehender als Folge des gesellschaftlichen Umbruchs Y1 - 1995 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Großmann, Heidrun A1 - Reinmuth, S. T1 - Freizeitangebote Y1 - 2007 SN - 978-3-8258-0621-7 ER -