TY - JOUR A1 - Laurinaviehyute, Anna K. A1 - Chrabaszcz, Anna V. A1 - Farizova, Nina O. A1 - Tolkacheva, Valeria A. A1 - Dragoy, Olga V. T1 - Влияние сенсомоторных стереотипоВ на понимание пространстВенных конструкций BT - данные дВижений глаз BT - evidence from eye-tracking JF - Voprosy Jazykoznanij N2 - In an eye-tracking study we tested the hypothesis that comprehension is facilitated by a match between the order of the verb and its arguments in a sentence and the order of the actual sensorimotor interaction with these objects (for example, in the phrase put the bag into the box, the order of the arguments corresponds to the order of motor actions: take the bag, put it into the box) could facilitate comprehension of such constructions. We tested 40 native Russian speakers in a visual world sentence-picture matching task. In prepositional constructions, there was no difference between conditions that matched or mismatched sensorimotor stereotypes, whereas in instrumental constructions, sensorimotor stereotypes facilitated comprehension. T2 - The influence of sensorimotor stereotypes on thecomprehension of spatial constructions KW - embodied cognition KW - eye-tracking KW - language comprehension KW - reversible constructions KW - sensorimotor bias Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.31857/S0373658X0001002-1 SN - 0373-658X IS - 3 SP - 99 EP - 109 PB - Nauka CY - Moskva ER - TY - THES A1 - Haendler, Yair T1 - Effects of embedded pronouns on relative clause processing T1 - Effekte eingebauter Pronomen auf Relativsatzverarbeitung BT - cross-linguistic evidence from children and adults BT - Hinweise zwischensprachlischer Daten von Kindern und Erwachsenen N2 - Difficulties with object relative clauses (ORC), as compared to subject relative clauses (SR), are widely attested across different languages, both in adults and in children. This SR-ORC asymmetry is reduced, or even eliminated, when the embedded constituent in the ORC is a pronoun, rather than a lexical noun phrase. The studies included in this thesis were designed to explore under what circumstances the pronoun facilitation occurs; whether all pronouns have the same effect; whether SRs are also affected by embedded pronouns; whether children perform like adults on such structures; and whether performance is related to cognitive abilities such as memory or grammatical knowledge. Several theoretical approaches that explain the pronoun facilitation in relative clauses are evaluated. The experimental data have been collected in three languages–German, Italian and Hebrew–stemming from both children and adults. In the German study (Chapter 2), ORCs with embedded 1st- or 3rd-person pronouns are compared to ORCs with an embedded lexical noun phrase. Eye-movement data from 5-year-old children show that the 1st-person pronoun facilitates processing, but not the 3rd-person pronoun. Moreover, children’s performance is modulated by additive effects of their memory and grammatical skills. In the Italian study (Chapter 3), the 1st-person pronoun advantage over the 3rd-person pronoun is tested in ORCs and SRs that display a similar word order. Eye-movement data from 5-year-olds and adult controls and reading times data from adults are pitted against the outcome of a corpus analysis, showing that the 1st-/3rd-person pronoun asymmetry emerges in the two relative clause types to an equal extent. In the Hebrew study (Chapter 4), the goal is to test the effect of a special kind of pronoun–a non-referential arbitrary subject pronoun–on ORC comprehension, in the light of potential confounds in previous studies that used this pronoun. Data from a referent-identification task with 4- to 5-year-olds indicate that, when the experimental material is controlled, the non-referential pronoun does not necessarily facilitate ORC comprehension. Importantly, however, children have even more difficulties when the embedded constituent is a referential pronoun. The non-referentiality / referentiality asymmetry is emphasized by the relation between children’s performance on the experimental task and their memory skills. Together, the data presented in this thesis indicate that sentence processing is not only driven by structural (or syntactic) factors, but also by discourse-related ones, like pronouns’ referential properties or their discourse accessibility mechanism, which is defined as the level of ease or difficulty with which referents of pronouns are identified and retrieved from the discourse model. Although independent in essence, these structural and discourse factors can in some cases interact in a way that affects sentence processing. Moreover, both types of factors appear to be strongly related to memory. The data also support the idea that, from early on, children are sensitive to the same factors that affect adults’ sentence processing, and that the processing strategies of both populations are qualitatively similar. In sum, this thesis suggests that a comprehensive theory of human sentence processing needs to account for effects that are due to both structural and discourse-related factors, which operate as a function of memory capacity. N2 - Zahlreiche Studien haben gefunden, dass sowohl Erwachsene als auch Kinder über Sprachen hinweg größere Schwierigkeiten mit Objektrelativsätzen (ORS) als mit Subjektrelativsätzen (SRS) haben. Diese SRS-ORS-Asymmetrie wird reduziert oder sogar ausgelöscht, wenn das eingebaute Subjekt im ORS keine lexikalische Nominalphrase, sondern ein Pronomen ist. Die Experimente in dieser Dissertation erforschen unter welchen Umständen die Begünstigung des Pronomens geschieht; ob alle Pronomen denselben Effekt haben; ob SRS ebenso von eingebauten Pronomen beeinflusst werden; ob Erwachsene und Kinder in Bezug auf diese Strukturen eine ähnlich Leistung zeigen; und ob die Leistung von Versuchspersonen eine Verbindung mit kognitiven Fähigkeiten hat, wie zum Beispiel mit dem Arbeitsgedächtnis oder mit grammatikalischer Kenntnis. Verschiedene theoretische Rahmen, die die Pronomenvereinfachung in Relativsätzen erklären, werden evaluiert. Die Daten wurden in drei Sprachen–Deutsch, Italienisch und Hebräisch–mit Kindern und Erwachsenen erhoben. In der Studie auf Deutsch (Kapitel 2) werden ORS mit einem eingebauten Pronomen der ersten oder der dritten Person mit ORS verglichen, die eine eingebaute lexikalische Nominalphrase haben. Blickbewegungsdaten von 5-jährigen Kindern zeigen, dass das Pronomen der ersten Person die Satzverarbeitung vereinfacht, nicht jedoch das Pronomen der dritten Person. Die Performance von Kindern wird durch zusätzliche Effekte wie Gedächtnis und grammatikalische Fähigkeiten beeinflusst. In der Studie auf Italienisch (Kapitel 3) wird der Vereinfachungsvorteil des Pronomens der ersten Person, im Vergleich mit dem der dritten Person, in ORS und SRS, die eine ähnliche Wortstellung haben, untersucht. Blickbewegungsdaten von 5-jährigen Kindern und von einer Kontrollgruppe von Erwachsenen sowie Lesezeiten von Erwachsenen, werden mit dem Ergebnis einer Korpusanalyse verglichen. Sie zeigen denselben asymmetrischen Effekt der zwei Pronomen in beiden Relativsatztypen. In der Studie auf Hebräisch (Kapitel 4) war das Ziel, den Effekt eines besonderen Pronomens, nämlich eines nicht-referentiellen beliebigen Subjektspronomens, auf das Verständnis von ORS zu untersuchen, anhand methodischer Problematiken in vergangenen Studien, die dieses Pronomen verwendet haben. Daten von 4- und 5-jährigen Kindern, die eine Referentenerkennungsaufgabe gemacht haben, zeigen, dass mit kontrolliertem Versuchsmaterial das nicht-referentielle Pronomen nicht unbedingt das Verständnis von ORS erleichtert. Jedoch hatten die Kinder aber noch mehr Schwierigkeiten, wenn das eingebaute Pronomen ein referentielles Pronomen war. Die Asymmetrie zwischen nicht-referentiellen und referentiellen Pronomen wird durch die Verbindung zwischen der Performance in der experimentellen Aufgabe und den Gedächtnisfähigkeiten der Kinder hervorgehoben. In ihrer Gesamtheit zeigen die in dieser Arbeit präsentierten Daten, dass Sprachverarbeitung nicht nur durch strukturelle (oder syntaktische) Faktoren beeinträchtigt wird, sondern auch durch Diskurs-gebundene Faktoren, wie die referentiellen Eigenschaften von Pronomen oder den Mechanismus von Diskurszugänglichkeit (discourse accessibility). Diese wird definiert als das Leichtigkeits- oder Schwierigkeitslevel mit dem Referenten von Pronomen im Diskursmodell erkannt und abgerufen werden. Diese strukturellen und diskursgebundenen Faktoren, obwohl sie im Wesentlichen unabhängig voneinander sind, können in manchen Fällen aufeinander einwirken und zusammen die Sprachverarbeitung beeinträchtigen. Darüber hinaus scheinen beide Faktoren eine Verbindung mit dem Gedächtnis zu haben. Die Daten unterstützen auch die Idee, dass Kinder von früh an auf dieselben Faktoren empfindlich reagieren, die die Sprachverarbeitung von Erwachsenen bestimmen und dass die Sprachverarbeitungsstrategien von beiden Altersgruppen qualitativ ähnlich sind. Zusammengefasst weist diese Dissertation darauf hin, dass eine umfassende Theorie der menschlichen Sprachverarbeitung in der Lage sein sollte, Effekte zu erklären, die sowohl durch Satzstruktur als auch durch Diskurs bedingt werden und die in Abhängigkeit von Gedächtnisfähigkeit funktionieren. KW - relative clauses KW - pronouns KW - discourse KW - sentence processing KW - eye-tracking KW - language development KW - Relativsätze KW - Pronomen KW - Diskurs KW - Sprachverarbeitung KW - Blickbewegungen KW - Sprachentwicklung Y1 - 2016 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396883 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Safavi, Molood S. A1 - Husain, Samar A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Dependency Resolution Difficulty Increases with Distance in Persian Separable Complex Predicates BT - Evidence for Expectation and Memory-Based Accounts N2 - Delaying the appearance of a verb in a noun-verb dependency tends to increase processing difficulty at the verb; one explanation for this locality effect is decay and/or interference of the noun in working memory. Surprisal, an expectation-based account, predicts that delaying the appearance of a verb either renders it no more predictable or more predictable, leading respectively to a prediction of no effect of distance or a facilitation. Recently, Husain et al. (2014) suggested that when the exact identity of the upcoming verb is predictable (strong predictability), increasing argument-verb distance leads to facilitation effects, which is consistent with surprisal; but when the exact identity of the upcoming verb is not predictable (weak predictability), locality effects are seen. We investigated Husain et al.'s proposal using Persian complex predicates (CPs), which consist of a non-verbal element—a noun in the current study—and a verb. In CPs, once the noun has been read, the exact identity of the verb is highly predictable (strong predictability); this was confirmed using a sentence completion study. In two self-paced reading (SPR) and two eye-tracking (ET) experiments, we delayed the appearance of the verb by interposing a relative clause (Experiments 1 and 3) or a long PP (Experiments 2 and 4). We also included a simple Noun-Verb predicate configuration with the same distance manipulation; here, the exact identity of the verb was not predictable (weak predictability). Thus, the design crossed Predictability Strength and Distance. We found that, consistent with surprisal, the verb in the strong predictability conditions was read faster than in the weak predictability conditions. Furthermore, greater verb-argument distance led to slower reading times; strong predictability did not neutralize or attenuate the locality effects. As regards the effect of distance on dependency resolution difficulty, these four experiments present evidence in favor of working memory accounts of argument-verb dependency resolution, and against the surprisal-based expectation account of Levy (2008). However, another expectation-based measure, entropy, which was computed using the offline sentence completion data, predicts reading times in Experiment 1 but not in the other experiments. Because participants tend to produce more ungrammatical continuations in the long-distance condition in Experiment 1, we suggest that forgetting due to memory overload leads to greater entropy at the verb. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 290 KW - Persian KW - complex predicates KW - expectation KW - eye-tracking KW - locality KW - self-paced reading KW - surprisal KW - entropy Y1 - 2016 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-90728 SP - 1 EP - 15 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Safavi, Molood S. A1 - Husain, Samar A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Dependency Resolution Difficulty Increases with Distance in Persian Separable Complex Predicates BT - Evidence for Expectation and Memory-Based Accounts JF - Frontiers in psychology N2 - Delaying the appearance of a verb in a noun-verb dependency tends to increase processing difficulty at the verb; one explanation for this locality effect is decay and/or interference of the noun in working memory. Surprisal, an expectation-based account, predicts that delaying the appearance of a verb either renders it no more predictable or more predictable, leading respectively to a prediction of no effect of distance or a facilitation. Recently, Husain et al. (2014) suggested that when the exact identity of the upcoming verb is predictable (strong predictability), increasing argument-verb distance leads to facilitation effects, which is consistent with surprisal; but when the exact identity of the upcoming verb is not predictable (weak predictability), locality effects are seen. We investigated Husain et al.'s proposal using Persian complex predicates (CPs), which consist of a non-verbal element—a noun in the current study—and a verb. In CPs, once the noun has been read, the exact identity of the verb is highly predictable (strong predictability); this was confirmed using a sentence completion study. In two self-paced reading (SPR) and two eye-tracking (ET) experiments, we delayed the appearance of the verb by interposing a relative clause (Experiments 1 and 3) or a long PP (Experiments 2 and 4). We also included a simple Noun-Verb predicate configuration with the same distance manipulation; here, the exact identity of the verb was not predictable (weak predictability). Thus, the design crossed Predictability Strength and Distance. We found that, consistent with surprisal, the verb in the strong predictability conditions was read faster than in the weak predictability conditions. Furthermore, greater verb-argument distance led to slower reading times; strong predictability did not neutralize or attenuate the locality effects. As regards the effect of distance on dependency resolution difficulty, these four experiments present evidence in favor of working memory accounts of argument-verb dependency resolution, and against the surprisal-based expectation account of Levy (2008). However, another expectation-based measure, entropy, which was computed using the offline sentence completion data, predicts reading times in Experiment 1 but not in the other experiments. Because participants tend to produce more ungrammatical continuations in the long-distance condition in Experiment 1, we suggest that forgetting due to memory overload leads to greater entropy at the verb. KW - locality KW - expectation KW - surprisal KW - entropy KW - Persian KW - complex predicates KW - self-paced reading KW - eye-tracking Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00403 SN - 1664-1078 VL - 7 SP - 1 EP - 15 PB - Frontiers Research Foundation CY - Lausanne ER -