TY - JOUR A1 - Bieneck, Steffen A1 - Krahé, Barbara T1 - Blaming the victim and exonerating the perpetrator in cases of rape and robbery is there a double standard? JF - Journal of interpersonal violence : concerned with the study and treatment of victims and perpetrators of physical and sexual violence N2 - Research in legal decision making has demonstrated the tendency to blame the victim and exonerate the perpetrator of sexual assault. This study examined the hypothesis of a special leniency bias in rape cases by comparing them to cases of robbery. N = 288 participants received descriptions of rape and robbery of a female victim by a male perpetrator and made ratings of victim and perpetrator blame. Case scenarios varied with respect to the prior relationship (strangers, acquaintances, ex-partners) and coercive strategy (force vs. exploiting victim intoxication). More blame was attributed to the victim and less blame was attributed to the perpetrator for rape than for robbery. Information about a prior relationship between victim and perpetrator increased ratings of victim blame and decreased perceptions of perpetrator blame in the rape cases, but not in the robbery cases. The findings support the notion of a special leniency bias in sexual assault cases. KW - criminology KW - leniency bias KW - rape KW - robbery KW - victim blame Y1 - 2011 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260510372945 SN - 0886-2605 VL - 26 IS - 9 SP - 1785 EP - 1797 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - THES A1 - Spille, Lea T1 - Deciding who to blame for rape and robbery in Turkey T1 - Verantwortungszuschreibungen in Raub- und Vergewaltigungsfällen in der Türkei BT - perpetrators’ coercive strategy, victim-perpetrator relationship, participant gender and rape myth acceptance BT - Täterstrategie, Opfer-Täter-Beziehung sowie Geschlecht und Vergewaltigungsmythenakzeptanz der Beurteilenden N2 - The present study investigated the attribution of responsibility to victims and perpetrators in rape compared to robbery cases in Turkey. Each participant read three short case scenarios (vignettes) and completed items pertaining to the female victim and male perpetrator. The vignettes were systematically varied with regard to the type of crime that was committed (rape or robbery), the perpetrator’s coercive strategy (physical force or exploiting the victim’s alcohol-induced defenselessness), and the victim-perpetrator relationship prior to the incident (stranger, acquaintance, or ex-partner). Furthermore, participant gender and acceptance of rape myths (beliefs that justify or trivialize sexual violence) were taken into account. One half of the participants completed the rape myth acceptance (RMA) scales first and then received the vignettes, while the other half were given the vignettes first and then completed the RMA scales. As expected, more blame was attributed to victims of rape than to victims of robbery. Conversely, perpetrators of rape were blamed less than perpetrators of robbery. The more participants endorsed rape myths, the more blame was attributed to the victim and the less blame was attributed to the perpetrators. Increasing levels of RMA were associated with an increase in victim blame (VB) in both rape and robbery cases, but the increase in rape VB was significantly more pronounced than in robbery VB. Increasing RMA was associated with an attenuation of perpetrator blame (PB) that was more pronounced for rape than for robbery cases, but the difference was not significant. As expected, victims of rape were blamed more when the perpetrator exploited their defenselessness due to alcohol intoxication than when they were overpowered by physical force. Contrary to the hypothesis, this was also true for robbery victims. Rape victims who knew their attacker (ex-partner or acquaintance) were blamed more than victims who were assaulted by strangers. Contrary to the hypothesis, robbery victims who were assaulted by an ex-partner were blamed more than acquaintance or stranger robbery victims. As predicted, the closer the relationship between victim and perpetrator, the less blame was attributed to perpetrators of rape while this factor had no effect on PB in robbery cases. Men compared to women attributed more blame to the victims and less blame to the perpetrators. As expected, these gender differences in blame attributions were partially mediated by gender differences in RMA: After RMA was taken into account, the gender differences disappeared nearly completely for VB and were significantly reduced in PB. The order of presentation of the vignettes and the RMA measures was systematically varied to test the causal influence of RMA on rape blame attributions. The hypothesis that RMA causes VB and PB in rape cases (as opposed to the other way around or both are caused by a third variable) was not supported. Possible reasons for this failed manipulation and its implications for the mediation model are discussed. With regard to blame attribution in rape cases, the present results match what was expected from previous studies which were mainly conducted in “Western” countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, or Germany. The present results support the notion that the victim-perpetrator relationship and the victim’s alcohol consumption are cross-culturally stable factors for blame attribution in rape cases. It was expected that blame attribution in robbery cases would be unaffected by the perpetrator’s coercive strategy and the victim-perpetrator relationship, but the results were inconsistent. One unexpected effect is particularly noteworthy: When the perpetrator used physical force, more blame was attributed to rape than to robbery victims, but intoxicated victims were blamed more and almost equally so for both types of crime. Perpetrators who exploited drunk victims were blamed less in both rape and robbery cases. These results contradict German results collected with the German version of the same instruments (Bieneck & Krahé, 2011). Turkey is a Muslim country and alcohol is surrounded by a certain taboo. Possibly, the results reflect a cultural difference in that intoxicated victims are generally blamed more for their victimization and this factor is not limited to rape cases. N2 - Die vorliegende Arbeit untersuchte die Verantwortungszuschreibung zu Opfern und Tätern von Vergewaltigung im Vergleich zu Raub in der Türkei. Die Versuchspersonen lasen jeweils drei Vignetten, d.h. kurze Beschreibungen von hypothetischen Raub- und Vergewaltigungsfällen, und wurden im Anschluss an jede Vignette gebeten, die Verantwortung des weiblichen Opfers und des männlichen Täters für den Vorfall zu beurteilen. Die Vignetten variierten systematisch auf den Variablen Art des Verbrechens (Vergewaltigung oder Raub), Täterstrategie (physische Gewalt oder Ausnutzen der Wehrlosigkeit des betrunkenen Opfers) und der Opfer-Täter-Beziehung vor der Tat (Fremder, Bekannter oder Ex-Partner). Zusätzlich wurde die Vergewaltigungsmythenakzeptanz (VMA) der Versuchspersonen erhoben sowie deren Geschlecht als Faktor berücksichtigt. Vergewaltigungsmythen beschreiben Einstellungen, die sexualisierte Gewalt bagatellisieren, indem z.B. Opfern Schuld an der Tat zugeschrieben wird (Victim Blaming) oder die Täter entschuldigt werden. Die Hälfte der Versuchspersonen erhielt zunächst die Skalen zur VMA und bearbeitete im Anschluss daran die Vignetten. Die andere Hälfte der Versuchspersonen bearbeitete die Materialien in umgekehrter Reihenfolge, also zunächst die Vignetten und danach die VMA-Skalen. Wie erwartet wurde den Opfern von Vergewaltigung mehr Verantwortung für die Tat zugeschrieben als Opfern von Raub. Umgekehrt wurde den Tätern von Vergewaltigung weniger Verantwortung zugeschrieben als Tätern von Raub. Je höher die VMA, desto mehr wurde das Opfer und desto weniger wurde der Täter für die Tat verantwortlich gemacht. Mit steigender VMA stieg die Verantwortungszuschreibung an Opfer beider Verbrechen an, aber der Zuwachs in der Schuldzuschreibung war signifikant stärker ausgeprägter in Vergewaltigungsfällen als in Raubfällen. Mit steigender VMA sank die Schuldzuschreibung an den Täter in Vergewaltigungsfällen stärker als in Raubfällen, der Unterschied war aber nicht signifikant. Wie erwartet wurde Opfern von Vergewaltigung mehr Schuld zugeschrieben, wenn sie betrunken waren als wenn sie vom Täter überwältigt wurden. Entgegen der Hypothese traf dies auch für Raubfälle zu. Vergewaltigungsopfern, die ihren Täter kannten, wurde mehr Schuld zugeschrieben als denen, die von einem Fremden vergewaltigt wurden. Entgegen der Hypothese wurde Raubopfern, die von einem Ex-Partner überfallen wurden, ebenfalls mehr Schuld an der Tat gegeben im Vergleich zu Raubfällen, die von Fremden oder Bekannten begangen wurden. Wie vorhergesagt wurde Vergewaltigern weniger Schuld zugeschrieben je enger die Opfer-Täter-Beziehung, während die Schuldzuschreibung an Raubtätern nicht von ihrer Beziehung zum Opfer beeinflusst wurde. Männer im Vergleich zu Frauen wiesen den Opfern von Vergewaltigung mehr Schuld zu und den Tätern weniger. Wie erwartet wurden die Geschlechtsunterschiede in Bezug auf Schuldzuschreibungen an das Opfer und den Täter teilweise durch Geschlechtsunterschiede in VMA vermittelt: Nach Berücksichtigung von VMA zeigten sich in Bezug auf Opfer-Schuld keine Geschlechtsunterschiede mehr und in Bezug auf Täter-Schuld nur noch geringe. Die systematische Variation der Reihenfolge von Vignetten und VMA hatte zum Ziel, die kausale Wirkung von VMA auf Schuldzuschreibungen an Opfer und Täter von Vergewaltigung zu testen. Die Hypothese, dass VMA Schuldzuschreibungen an Opfer und Täter auslöst (im Vergleich zum umgekehrten Fall oder dass beide Variablen von einer dritten Variable ausgelöst werden) konnte nicht bestätigt werden. Mögliche Gründe für dieses Ergebnis sowie Implikationen für die Mediationsanalyse werden diskutiert. In Bezug auf die Vergewaltigungsfälle entsprechen die Ergebnisse dem, was aufgrund früherer Studien erwartet wurde. Der Großteil früherer Studien wurde in „westlichen“ Ländern wie den Vereinigten Staaten, dem Vereinigten Königreich oder Deutschland durchgeführt. Die vorliegenden Ergebnisse aus der Türkei stützen daher die Annahme, dass Opfer-Täter-Beziehung und Alkoholkonsum des Opfers interkulturell stabile Faktoren für die Verantwortungszuschreibung in Vergewaltigungsfällen sind. Die Ergebnisse in Bezug auf die erwartete Unterscheidung zwischen Raub- und Vergewaltigungsfällen blieben allerdings inkonsistent. Ein Effekt ist besonders hervorzuheben: Wenn der Täter Gewalt anwendete, wurde den Opfern von Vergewaltigung mehr Schuld an der Tat gegeben als Opfern von Raub. Wenn das Opfer betrunken war, haben Beurteiler nicht zwischen Opfern von Raub und Vergewaltigung unterschieden. Tätern, die alkoholisierte Opfer ausnutzten, wurde sowohl in Raub- als auch Vergewaltigungsfällen weniger Schuld zugeschrieben. Diese Ergebnisse stehen im Widerspruch zu Ergebnissen aus Deutschland, die mit den gleichen Instrumenten (in deutscher Fassung) erhoben wurden (Bieneck & Krahé, 2011). Die Türkei ist muslimisch geprägt und Alkohol unterliegt einem gewissen Tabu. Möglicherweise zeigt sich hier ein kultureller Unterschied, dass alkoholisierten Opfern im Allgemeinen mehr Schuld zugeschrieben wird und dieser Faktor nicht nur speziell Vergewaltigungsfälle betrifft. KW - rape myths KW - Vergewaltigungsmythen KW - victim blaming KW - rape KW - Vergewaltigung KW - robbery KW - Raub KW - Turkey KW - Türkei KW - Verantwortungszuschreibung Y1 - 2015 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-423279 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Busching, Robert A1 - Lutz, Johannes T1 - The Impact of Visual Stereotypes on Judgments about Rape A Reverse-Correlation Approach JF - Swiss Journal of Psychology = Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Psychologie = Revue Suisse de Psychologie N2 - Fragestellung: Es soll die Qualität der Berichterstattung über Suizide und Suizidversuche in deutschsprachigen Jugendmagazinen näher untersucht werden und Veränderungen der Suizidzahlen unter Jugendlichen in Österreich nach dem Erscheinen von Berichten erfasst werden. Methodik: Suizidberichte aus fünf großen deutschsprachigen Jugendmagazinen wurden mithilfe qualitativer Inhaltsanalyse im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, dargestellte Motive, Suizid(versuchs)methoden, positive und negative Darstellungsweisen, Schuldzuweisungen und Abweichungen von Medienempfehlungen zur Berichterstattung über Suizid analysiert. Die Suizidzahlen 2 Wochen vor und nach dem Erscheinen von Suizidberichten wurden verglichen. Ergebnisse: 59 Berichte wurden identifiziert. Die häufigste Berichterstattung zum Thema Suizid fand sich in der Zeitschrift Bravo, wobei es zu einer leichten Überrepräsentation weiblicher Suizide und insgesamt zu einer Unterrepräsentation von Suizidversuchen kam. Entsprechend der Epidemiologie suizidalen Verhaltens wurde Sturz in die Tiefe am häufigsten bei Mädchen und Erhängen bei den Jungen beschrieben. Bei den dargestellten Motiven zeigte sich, dass wichtige Faktoren wie psychiatrische Erkrankungen kaum Erwähnung fanden. Während Suizidentinnen häufig positiv dargestellt wurden, wurden Suizidenten häufiger negativ dargestellt. Implizite Schuldzuweisungen wurden vorwiegend den Eltern zugeschrieben. Es zeigte sich kein Hinweis auf einen Werther-Effekt nach Berichterstattung. Schlussfolgerungen: Die weitgehende Divergenz zwischen der Epidemiologie von Suizidalität Jugendlicher und im deutschsprachigen Raum derzeit vorherrschenden Mediendarstellungen verdeutlicht wichtige Ansatzpunkte für Präventions- und Aufklärungsarbeit in der Bevölkerung. KW - reverse correlation KW - rape myth acceptance KW - rape KW - stereotype KW - stereotype visualization KW - rape judgments KW - defendant liability Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1024/1422-4917/a000178 SN - 1421-0185 SN - 1662-0879 VL - 75 SP - 133 EP - 140 PB - Hogrefe CY - Bern ER - TY - GEN A1 - Bieneck, Steffen A1 - Krahé, Barbara T1 - Blaming the victim and exonerating the perpetrator in cases of rape and robbery: is there a double standard? N2 - Research in legal decision making has demonstrated the tendency to blame the victim and exonerate the perpetrator of sexual assault. This study examined the hypothesis of a special leniency bias in rape cases by comparing them to cases of robbery. N = 288 participants received descriptions of rape and robbery of a female victim by a male perpetrator and made ratings of victim and perpetrator blame. Case scenarios varied with respect to the prior relationship (strangers, acquaintances, ex-partners) and coercive strategy (force vs. exploiting victim intoxication). More blame was attributed to the victim and less blame was attributed to the perpetrator for rape than for robbery. Information about a prior relationship between victim and perpetrator increased ratings of victim blame and decreased perceptions of perpetrator blame in the rape cases, but not in the robbery cases. The findings support the notion of a special leniency bias in sexual assault cases. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 365 KW - criminology KW - leniency bias KW - rape KW - robbery KW - victim blame Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-402907 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Winzer, Lylla A1 - Krahé, Barbara A1 - Guest, Philip Michael T1 - The Scale of Sexual Aggression in Southeast Asia: A Review JF - Trauma, violence & abuse N2 - Southeast Asia is one of the most dynamic regions in the world. It is experiencing rapid socioeconomic change that may influence the level of sexual aggression, but data on the scale of sexual aggression in the region remain sparse. The aim of the present article was to systematically review the findings of studies available in English on the prevalence of self-reported sexual aggression and victimization among women and men above the age of 12 years in the 11 countries of Southeast Asia (Brunei, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam). Based on four scientific databases, the search engine Google, Opengrey database, and reference checking, 49 studies were found on sexual victimization. Of those, 32 included only women. Self-reported perpetration was assessed by only three studies and included all-male samples. Prevalence rates varied widely across studies but showed that sexual victimization was widespread among different social groups, irrespective of sex and sexual orientation. Methodological heterogeneity, lack of representativeness of samples, imbalance of information available by country, missing information within studies, and cultural differences hampered the comparability between and within countries. There is a need for operationalizations that specifically address sexual aggression occurring after the age of consent, based on detailed behavioral descriptions of unwanted sexual experiences and allied to a qualitative approach with cultural sensitivity. Data on sexual aggression in conflict settings and in human trafficking are also limited. Recommendations for future research are presented in the discussion. KW - rape KW - sexual victimization KW - sexual aggression KW - sexual violence KW - Southeast Asia Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838017725312 SN - 1524-8380 SN - 1552-8324 VL - 20 IS - 5 SP - 595 EP - 612 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schuster, Isabell A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina A1 - Marchewka, Juliette A1 - Krahé, Barbara T1 - Does question format matter in assessing the prevalence of sexual aggression? BT - A methodological study JF - The journal of sex research N2 - As research on sexual aggression has been growing, methodological issues in assessing prevalence rates have received increased attention. Building on work by Abbey and colleagues about effects of question format, participants in this study (1,253; 621 female; 632 male) were randomly assigned to one of two versions of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S). In Version 1, the coercive tactic (use/threat of physical force, exploitation of the inability to resist, verbal pressure) was presented first, and sexual acts (sexual touch, attempted and completed sexual intercourse, other sexual acts) were presented as subsequent questions. In Version 2, sexual acts were presented first, and coercive tactics as subsequent questions. No version effects emerged for overall perpetration rates reported by men and women. The overall victimization rate across all items was significantly higher in the tactic-first than in the sexual-act-first conditions for women, but not for men. Classifying participants by their most severe experience of sexual victimization showed that fewer women were in the nonvictim category and more men were in the nonconsensual sexual contact category when the coercive tactic was presented first. Sexual experience background did not moderate the findings. The implications for the measurement of self-reported sexual aggression victimization and perpetration are discussed. KW - self-report measures KW - experiences survey KW - risk-factors KW - victimization KW - rape KW - assault KW - women KW - perpetration KW - reliability KW - responses Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2020.1777927 SN - 0022-4499 SN - 1559-8519 VL - 58 IS - 4 SP - 502 EP - 511 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - GEN A1 - Schuster, Isabell A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina A1 - Marchewka, Juliette A1 - Krahé, Barbara T1 - Does question format matter in assessing the prevalence of sexual aggression? BT - A methodological study T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - As research on sexual aggression has been growing, methodological issues in assessing prevalence rates have received increased attention. Building on work by Abbey and colleagues about effects of question format, participants in this study (1,253; 621 female; 632 male) were randomly assigned to one of two versions of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S). In Version 1, the coercive tactic (use/threat of physical force, exploitation of the inability to resist, verbal pressure) was presented first, and sexual acts (sexual touch, attempted and completed sexual intercourse, other sexual acts) were presented as subsequent questions. In Version 2, sexual acts were presented first, and coercive tactics as subsequent questions. No version effects emerged for overall perpetration rates reported by men and women. The overall victimization rate across all items was significantly higher in the tactic-first than in the sexual-act-first conditions for women, but not for men. Classifying participants by their most severe experience of sexual victimization showed that fewer women were in the nonvictim category and more men were in the nonconsensual sexual contact category when the coercive tactic was presented first. Sexual experience background did not moderate the findings. The implications for the measurement of self-reported sexual aggression victimization and perpetration are discussed. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 844 KW - self-report measures KW - experiences survey KW - risk-factors KW - victimization KW - rape KW - assault KW - women KW - perpetration KW - reliability KW - responses Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-546632 SN - 1866-8364 IS - 4 ER - TY - THES A1 - Klümper, Hannah T1 - From Brock to Brett BT - purity and power in US American rape culture, 2016 – 2018 N2 - Diese Masterarbeit in der US-amerikanischen Kulturwissenschaft stellt die These auf, dass das Phänomen der rape culture ein soziokulturelles System gesellschaftlicher Machtstrukturen und kultureller Mythen darstellt. Basierend auf sogenannten Vergewaltigungsmythen konstituiert dieses System zudem eine Ideologie. Ziel der Arbeit ist es zu zeigen, wie diese Vergewaltigungsmythen instrumentalisiert werden, um (primär weiße, cis-männliche) Täter zu beschützen und stattdessen Betroffenen von sexualisierter Gewalt die Verantwortung zuzuweisen. So soll aufgezeigt werden, dass junge Männer wie Brock Turner, die von patriarchalen Machtstrukturen profitieren, zu Männern wie Brett Kavanaugh aufwachsen, und dass diese nicht nur davon profitieren, dass die rape culture ihr übergriffiges Verhalten entschuldigt, sondern dass sie zudem darauf gestützt an Machtpositionen gelangen, durch die sie als Entscheidungsträger diese der rape culture zugrundeliegenden Strukturen im Gegenzug aufrechterhalten können. Dabei konzentriert sich die Arbeit auf die Vergewaltigungsmythen des sogenannten Victim-Blamings und Shamings sowie der Viktimisierung von Tätern. Diese Mythen werden im Rahmen einer Analyse von Zeitungsartikeln aus dem 19. Jahrhundert herausgearbeitet und in das 21. Jahrhundert verfolgt. Basierend auf Mary Douglas' Theorie zu Reinheitsvorstellungen wird aufgezeigt, inwiefern sich nicht nur soziale Kategorien, nämlich Geschlecht, race, sozioökonomischer Status und Alter, sondern auch die sexuelle Reinheit oder Unreinheit von Betroffenen auf die gesellschaftliche Bewertung von Vergewaltigungsfällen auswirken. Darüber hinaus zeigt die Arbeit, wie weibliche Körper als ideologisches Schlachtfeld für politische und gesellschaftliche Veränderungen in den USA fungieren, und dass empfundene Bedrohungen des patriarchalen Status Quo im öffentlichen Diskurs als moralische Gefahren dargestellt werden, die von weiblichen Körpern ausgehen. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass die rape culture von (weißem cis-) männlichem Anspruchsdenken auf weibliche Körper, aber darüber hinaus auch auf Machtpositionen im patriarchalen System angetrieben wird. Sie zeigt auf, wie dieses System die rape culture instrumentalisiert, um seine zugrundeliegenden Strukturen aufrechtzuerhalten, die (cis) Männer begünstigen und im Gegensatz (cis) Frauen sowie andere marginalisierte und nicht-heteronormative Gruppen benachteiligen. Dies wird anhand einer Analyse des Stanford-Vergewaltigungsfalls von 2016 sowie der Kavanaugh-Anhörung von 2018 dargestellt. N2 - This master's thesis in US American cultural studies posits that the phenomenon of rape culture represents a socio-cultural system of social power structures and cultural myths. Based on so-called rape myths, this system also constitutes an ideology. The thesis aims to demonstrate how these rape myths are instrumentalized in order to protect (primarily white, cis-male) perpetrators and instead assign responsibility to those affected by sexualized violence. In doing so, the thesis shows that young men like Brock Turner, who benefit from patriarchal power structures, grow up to become men like Brett Kavanaugh, who not only benefit from the fact that rape culture excuses their abusive behavior, but also from the fact that this enables them to reach positions of power through which they, as decision-makers, can in turn maintain the structures underlying rape culture. The thesis focuses on the rape myths of so-called victim blaming and shaming as well as the victimization of perpetrators. These myths are examined by analyzing 19th-century newspaper articles and then traced into the 21st century. Based on Mary Douglas' theory on ideas of purity, the thesis shows the extent to which not only social categories, namely gender, race, socio-economic status, and age, but also the sexual purity or impurity of those affected have an impact on the societal response to rape cases. Furthermore, the thesis demonstrates how female bodies function as an ideological battleground for political and social change in the US, and how perceived threats to the patriarchal status quo are framed in public discourse as moral dangers posed by female bodies. The paper argues that rape culture is driven by (white cis) male entitlement to female bodies but moreover to positions of power in the patriarchal system. The thesis shows how this system instrumentalizes rape culture to maintain its underlying structures that favor (cis) men and, in contrast, disadvantage (cis) women and other marginalized and non-heteronormative groups. This is illustrated by analyzing the 2016 Stanford rape case and the 2018 Kavanaugh hearing. KW - rape KW - rape culture KW - rape myth KW - rape myths KW - sexualized violence KW - Brock Turner KW - Brett Kavanaugh KW - victim blaming KW - purity culture KW - Stanford rape case KW - Kavanaugh hearing KW - Chanel Miller KW - Know My Name KW - Buzzfeed victim impact statement KW - Kavanaugh-Anhörung KW - Stanford-Vergewaltigungsfall KW - Reinheitskultur KW - Vergewaltigung KW - Vergewaltigungskultur KW - Vergewaltigungsmythos KW - Vergewaltigungsmythen KW - sexualisierte Gewalt KW - Victim-Blaming Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-623293 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dworkin, Emily R. A1 - Krahé, Barbara A1 - Zinzow, Heidi T1 - The global prevalence of sexual assault BT - a systematic review of international research since 2010 JF - Psychology of violence N2 - Objective: We present a review of peer-reviewed English-language studies conducted outside the United States and Canada on the prevalence of sexual assault victimization in adolescence and adulthood published since 2010. Method: A systematic literature search yielded 32 articles reporting on 45 studies from 29 countries. Studies that only provided prevalence estimates for sexual assault in intimate relationships or did not present separate rates for men and women were excluded. All studies were coded by two coders, and a risk of bias score was calculated for each study. Both past-year and prevalence rates covering longer periods were extracted. Results: The largest number of studies came from Europe (n = 21), followed by Africa (n = 11), Asia, and Latin America (n = 6 each). One study came from the Middle East and no studies were found from Oceania. Across the 22 studies that reported past-year prevalence rates, figures ranged from 0% to 59.2% for women, 0.3% to 55.5% for men, and 1.5% to 18.2% for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) samples. The average risk of bias score was 5.7 out of 10. Studies varied widely in methodology. Conclusion: Despite regional variation, most studies indicate that sexual assault is widespread. More sustained, systematic, and coordinated research efforts are needed to gauge the scale of sexual assault in different parts of the world and to develop prevention measures. KW - sexual assault KW - rape KW - international KW - review KW - sexual minority Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1037/vio0000374 SN - 2152-0828 SN - 2152-081X VL - 11 IS - 5 SP - 497 EP - 508 PB - American Psychological Association CY - Washington ER - TY - JOUR A1 - De Schrijver, Lotte A1 - Fomenko, Elizaveta A1 - Krahe, Barbara A1 - Roelens, Kristien A1 - Vander Beken, Tom A1 - Keygnaert, Ines T1 - Minority Identity, Othering-Based Stress, and Sexual Violence JF - International journal of environmental research and public health : IJERPH N2 - Background: Some (minority) groups (MGs) are more vulnerable to sexual violence (SV) exposure than others. Othering-based stress (OBS) may mediate the relationship between minority identification and SV. This study aims to assess the prevalence of SV in different MGs to explore the relationship between minority identification and SV, to investigate whether belonging to multiple MGs moderates this relationship, and to explore OBS SV moderation for different MGs. Method: Through an online survey administered to a nationally representative sample in Belgium, data was collected from 4632 persons, of whom 21.01% self-identified as belonging to a MG (SI-Minority). SV prevalence was measured using behaviorally specific questions based on the WHO definition of SV. SI-Minority participants received an additional scale on OBS. Results: SI-Minority participants reported more SV victimization compared to the non-minorities. However, this increased risk was not moderated by minority identification but linked to the socio-demographic SV risk markers common to minority individuals. Multiple-minority participants were found more at risk of SV compared to single-minority respondents. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, pan-/omnisexual, asexual, and other non-heterosexual (LGB+) participants were found more at risk than heterosexual participants. OBS was found to be significantly correlated to SV in sexual and gender minorities and in cultural minorities. Conclusions: This study contributes to our understanding of the relationship between minority identification, OBS, and SV. Studying both specific and common SV vulnerabilities and outcomes within specific societal subgroups and the general population may inform policy makers when allocating resources to those interventions with the largest societal impact. KW - sexual orientation KW - poverty KW - minority health KW - sexual and gender-based KW - violence KW - rape Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19074221 SN - 1661-7827 SN - 1660-4601 VL - 19 IS - 7 PB - MDPI CY - Basel ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Marchewka, Juliette A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina A1 - Schuster, Isabell A1 - Krahé, Barbara T1 - Unacknowledged and missed cases of sexual victimization BT - a comparison of responses to broad versus behaviorally specific questions JF - Aggressive behavior : a multidisciplinary journal devoted to the experimental and observational analysis of conflict in humans and animals N2 - From the beginning of systematic research on sexual victimization, it has been recognized that a substantial proportion of women report nonconsensual sexual experiences meeting the defining criteria of rape in response to behaviorally specific items, but do not acknowledge their experience as rape in response to broad questions about whether they have ever been raped. Recent studies suggest that rates of unacknowledged rape may be as high or even higher among men than among women. This study examined rates of unacknowledged female and male victims of rape and sexual assault by comparing responses to behaviorally specific items of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S) with responses to broad questions using the labels of sexual assault and rape (SARA) in 593 participants (303 women) in Germany. As predicted, more women and men were classified as rape victims based on behaviorally specific items than on the basis of the broad rape item. The rates of unacknowledged rape were about 60% for women and 75% for men. The gender difference was not significant. Against our prediction, no significant differences in acknowledgement of sexual assault were found in relation to coercive strategy and victim-perpetrator relationship. Few cases of rape and sexual assault identified by the SARA items were missed by the behaviorally specific questions. The implications for establishing prevalence rates of rape and sexual assault and for comparing victims and nonvictims in terms of vulnerability factors and outcomes of sexual victimization are discussed. KW - Germany KW - rape KW - Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale KW - sexual assault KW - sexual victimization KW - unacknowledged victims Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1002/ab.22043 SN - 0096-140X SN - 1098-2337 VL - 48 IS - 6 SP - 573 EP - 582 PB - Wiley-Liss CY - New York ER -