TY - JOUR A1 - Jagtiani, Sharinee L. A1 - Wellek, Sophia T1 - In the Shadow of Ukraine BT - India's choices and challenges JF - Survival N2 - In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties' return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India's relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India's interest to swing westwards. The country's relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act. KW - China KW - Galwan Valley KW - democracy KW - India KW - Jawaharlal Nehru KW - non-alignment; KW - Pakistan KW - Quadrilateral Security Dialogue KW - Quad KW - Indo-Pacific KW - Russia KW - Ukraine war KW - United Nations Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2022.2078045 SN - 126962024X SN - 1468-2699 VL - 64 IS - 3 SP - 29 EP - 48 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - GEN A1 - Schmidt-Eenboom, Erich T1 - Geheimdienste in Demokratien N2 - Geheimdienste sind für den modernen Staat zur Gewährleistung seiner inneren und äußeren Sicherheit wesentlich und stehen ständig vor neuen Herausforderungen. Die Dienste der Bundesrepublik sind aus der Frontstaatlage im Kalten Krieg gewachsen, und ihr Wert als geheimes Regierungsinstrument ist durch eine Vielzahl systemischer Probleme erheblich eingeschränkt. Zudem gibt es weder eine klare Standortbestimmung der Dienste im politischen System, noch eine moralische Grenzziehung ihrer Aktivitäten. N2 - A functioning intelligence system is of fundamental importance for the security of a modern state and constantly faces new challenges. The intelligence services of the Federal Republic of Germany have grown out of their "front-state" role during the Cold War, at the same time as their value as a secret instrument of the government is substantially reduced by a variety of system-inherent problems. Moreover, there is neither an explicitly defined position of the services within the political system nor a moral limitation of their activities. KW - Bundesnachrichtendienst KW - Medien KW - Demokratie KW - intelligence service KW - media KW - democracy Y1 - 2006 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9812 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Nuesiri, Emmanuel O. T1 - Feigning Democracy BT - Performing Representation in the UN-REDD Funded Nigeria-REDD Programme JF - Conservation & society N2 - Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation plus the sustainable management of forest and enhancement of carbon stocks (REDD+) is a global climate change mitigation initiative. The United Nations REDD Programme (UN-REDD) is training governments in developing countries, including Nigeria, to implement REDD+. To protect local people, UN-REDD has developed social safeguards including a commitment to strengthen local democracy to prevent an elite capture of REDD+ benefits. This study examines local participation and representation in the UN-REDD international policy board and in the national-level design process for the Nigeria-REDD proposal, to see if practices are congruent with the UN-REDD commitment to local democracy. It is based on research in Nigeria in 2012 and 2013, and finds that local representation in the UN-REDD policy board and in Nigeria-REDD is not substantive. Participation is merely symbolic. For example, elected local government authorities, who ostensibly represent rural people, are neither present in the UN-REDD board nor were they invited to the participatory forums that vetted the Nigeria-REDD. They were excluded because they were politically weak. However, UN-REDD approved the Nigeria-REDD proposal without a strategy to include or strengthen elected local governments. The study concludes with recommendations to help the UN-REDD strengthen elected local government authority in Nigeria in support of democratic local representation. KW - REDD KW - climate change mitigation KW - UN-REDD KW - democracy KW - Nigeria KW - symbolic representation KW - local government Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4103/cs.cs_16_106 SN - 0972-4923 SN - 0975-3133 VL - 15 IS - 4 SP - 384 EP - 399 PB - Medknow publications & media Pvt LTD CY - Mumbai ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Baehrens, Konstantin T1 - Einleitung zu Georg Lukács BT - Warum sind Demokratien den Autokratien überlegen? und Das wirkliche Deutschland JF - Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie N2 - Two short typescripts by G. Lukacs from the archive, dating from 1941/42, shed light on his appraisal of the cultural ‘inner reserves’ of Germany and the ‘moral reserves’ of the democracies involved in the Second World War, as well as on Lukacs’s political philosophy at that time. The conception of an intrinsic interrelation of a humanist philosophical anthropology and rationalist epistemology elucidates his egalitarian and democratic account. Both texts are located within the intellectual development of the author in an introduction by the editor, which sketches the historical background and indicates relevant contemporaneous theoretical and political debates, such as the controversies over realism and humanism and also a dispute with K. Jaspers on German collective guilt. KW - autocracy KW - collective guilt KW - democracy KW - German classic KW - German misery KW - humanism KW - Jaspers KW - Lukacs KW - Marxism KW - political philosophy KW - rationalism Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2015-0019 SN - 2192-1482 SN - 0012-1045 VL - 63 IS - 2 SP - 358 EP - 366 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Baehrens, Konstantin T1 - Einleitung zu Georg Lukács T1 - Introduction to Georg Lukacs BT - Warum sind Demokratien den Autokratien überlegen? und Das wirkliche Deutschland BT - Why Democracies are superior to Autocracies? and The real Germany T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe N2 - Two short typescripts by G. Lukacs from the archive, dating from 1941/42, shed light on his appraisal of the cultural ‘inner reserves’ of Germany and the ‘moral reserves’ of the democracies involved in the Second World War, as well as on Lukacs’s political philosophy at that time. The conception of an intrinsic interrelation of a humanist philosophical anthropology and rationalist epistemology elucidates his egalitarian and democratic account. Both texts are located within the intellectual development of the author in an introduction by the editor, which sketches the historical background and indicates relevant contemporaneous theoretical and political debates, such as the controversies over realism and humanism and also a dispute with K. Jaspers on German collective guilt. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe - 131 KW - autocracy KW - collective guilt KW - democracy KW - German classic KW - German misery KW - humanism KW - Jaspers KW - Lukacs KW - Marxism KW - political philosophy KW - rationalism Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-398579 SN - 1866-8380 IS - 131 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Krämer, Raimund T1 - Editorial KW - Politik KW - Internet KW - Demokratie KW - Europa KW - Politics KW - internet KW - democracy KW - Europe Y1 - 2005 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47973 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d’état? JF - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne? N2 - Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression’s time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d’état. The chapter’s conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule. KW - contentious politics KW - human rights KW - state repression KW - political stability KW - policy substitutes KW - dictatorship KW - political repression KW - political campaigns KW - authoritarian rule KW - democracy Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 121 EP - 162 PB - Springer Nature CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy? Liberty, equality, and history in the justification of political institutions JF - Politics, philosophy & economics N2 - The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise 'neutral' democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus's own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies. KW - public-reason liberalism KW - democracy KW - coercion KW - political equality KW - majority rule KW - Gerald Gaus Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1470594X12447786 SN - 1470-594X VL - 12 IS - 2 SP - 179 EP - 196 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy? BT - Liberty, equality, and history in the justification of political institutions T2 - Politics, philosophy & economics N2 - The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise ‘neutral’ democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus’s own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 86 KW - public-reason liberalism KW - democracy KW - coercion KW - political equality KW - majority rule KW - Gerald Gaus Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-477860 VL - 12 IS - 2 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Stecker, Christian A1 - Heeß, Katja A1 - Schukraft, Stefan T1 - Do minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively? BT - evidence from Germany T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - A widespread view in political science is that minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively, more in line with a median-oriented and 'consensual' vision of democracy. Yet there is only little empirical evidence for it. We study legislative coalition-building in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia, which was ruled by a minority government between 2010 and 2012. We compare the inclusiveness of legislative coalitions under minority and majority cabinets, based on 1028 laws passed in the 1985–2017 period, and analyze in detail the flexibility of legislative coalition formation under the minority government. Both quantitative analyses are complemented with brief case studies of specific legislation. We find, first, that the minority cabinet did not rule more inclusively. Second, the minority cabinet’s legislative flexibility was fairly limited; to the extent that it existed, it follows a pattern that cannot be explained on the basis of the standard spatial model with policy-seeking parties. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 114 KW - Australian bicameralism KW - pledge fulfillment KW - majority formation KW - veto players KW - patterns KW - coalitions KW - consensus KW - democracy KW - parties KW - policy Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434175 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 114 SP - 541 EP - 561 ER - TY - THES A1 - Antić, Andreas T1 - Digitale Öffentlichkeiten und intelligente Kooperation T1 - Digital publics and intelligent cooperation BT - Zur Aktualität des demokratischen Experimentalismus von John Dewey BT - on the topicality of John Dewey’s democratic experimentalism N2 - Um die gegenwärtige Transformation der Öffentlichkeit im digitalen Zeitalter erfassen zu können, ist in der Öffentlichkeitstheorie eine erweiterte Perspektive notwendig, die nicht nur den massenmedialen Diskurs, sondern auch die Veränderung sozialer Praktiken und institutioneller Strukturen in den Blick nimmt. Das Ziel dieses Buches besteht darin, die Grundlagen einer solchen Perspektive auf die Theorie digitaler Öffentlichkeiten zu entwickeln. Im vorgeschlagenen Ansatz wird Öffentlichkeit im Anschluss an John Dewey als Prozess verstanden. In seiner prozessualen und funktionalen Bestimmung von Öffentlichkeit liegt eine besondere Originalität, die seinen Ansatz von anderen Öffentlichkeitskonzeptionen unterscheidet. Das Buch liefert sowohl eine systematische Rekonstruktion und Interpretation der Philosophie John Deweys als auch einen Vorschlag zur gesellschaftstheoretischen Deutung des digitalen Wandels. N2 - In order to understand the contemporary transformation of the public sphere in the digital age, it is required to incorporate a broader theoretical perspective that not only takes mass media into account, but also the transformation of social practices and institutional structures. The aim of this book is to develop the basis for such a perspective on the theory of the public sphere. The reading put forward here takes its cue from John Dewey, who viewed the public sphere as a process?. His procedural and functional concept of the public sphere differs from many of the more established concepts. This book provides a comprehensive reconstruction and interpretation of John Dewey's philosophy and offers an interpretation of the digital transformation in terms of social theory. KW - John Dewey KW - Öffentlichkeit KW - Demokratie KW - digitaler Wandel KW - Pragmatismus KW - John Dewey KW - public sphere KW - democracy KW - digital age KW - pragmatism Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-410964 SN - 978-3-86956-431-9 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - GEN A1 - Kneip, Sascha T1 - Die sozialphilosophischen Grundlagen des demokratischen Wohlfahrtsstaats N2 - At the beginning of the 21st century the welfare state is under pressure from two sides. On the one hand, there is "globalisation", on the other hand seems to be some sort of normative crisis of the welfare state’s moral foundations. The welfare state is said to curtail individual freedom and autonomy. This article rejects this assumption by exploring the philosophical and moral foundations of the welfare state, thereby demonstrating that it is essentially necessary for individual freedom and autonomy. Furthermore, it is shown that individual freedom is also the core principle of liberal democracy and that the welfare state is therefore an indispensable prerequisite for democracy itself. KW - welfare state KW - democracy Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9570 ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Kolanoski, Martina T1 - Die Entsendung der Bundeswehr ins Ausland : zur Funktion des Parlamentsvorbehalts im Kontext bündnispolitischer Verpflichtungen N2 - Über den Einsatz bewaffneter Bundeswehrsoldaten im Ausland entscheidet der Bundestag. Die demokratische Legitimität von Bundeswehreinsätzen beruht daher auf der parlamentarischen Mehrheitsentscheidung. Doch durch die Auslagerung von Entscheidungen auf multinationale Sicherheitssysteme, wie die NATO und die EU, ergeben sich Handlungsbeschränkungen für das deutsche Parlament. In dieser Publikation analysiert die Politikwissenschaftlerin Martina Kolanoski die tatsächliche Entscheidungsmacht des Bundestags am Beispiel von Bundeswehreinsätzen im Rahmen der Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (ESVP). Sie zeigt, weshalb die parlamentarischen Einflüssmöglichkeiten nur sehr begrenzt sind und argumentiert damit gegen die These des Parlamentarischen Friedens. Die Weiterentwicklung der ESVP durch den Vertrag von Lissabon, die multinationale Streitkräfteintegration, das Konzept der European Battlegroups und der deutsche Entscheidungsprozess zur EU-Mission EUFOR RD Congo werden auf die Frage hin untersucht, ob die Einsatzentscheidung durch politische und/oder militärische Integration vorweg genommen wird. T3 - WeltTrends Thesis - 9 KW - Bundeswehr KW - Auslandseinsätze KW - Demokratie KW - Parlament KW - Bundeswehr KW - german defense force KW - out of area missions KW - democracy KW - parliament Y1 - 2010 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-42110 SN - 978-3-86956-062-5 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER -