@article{FranzkeBuechner2014,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and B{\"u}chner, Christiane},
  title     = {Entstehung der Verfassung des Landes Brandenburg},
  series = {Verfassungsentwicklung in Russland und Deutschland : Materialien des russisch-deutschen Symposiums anl{\"a}sslich des 20. Jahrestages der Verfassung der Russischen F{\"o}deration am 25. und 26. September 2013 an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  journal   = {Verfassungsentwicklung in Russland und Deutschland : Materialien des russisch-deutschen Symposiums anl{\"a}sslich des 20. Jahrestages der Verfassung der Russischen F{\"o}deration am 25. und 26. September 2013 an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70868},
  pages     = {17 -- 27},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{Ranft2010,
  author    = {Ranft, Florian},
  title     = {Versp{\"a}tete Wahrheitskommissionen in Theorie und Praxis},
  series = {Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik},
  journal   = {Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-034-2},
  issn      = {1867-2663},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-42033},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {122},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {F{\"u}r den Umgang post-autorit{\"a}rer Gesellschaften mit den T{\"a}tern von Menschenrechtsverletzungen der Vorg{\"a}ngerregime gibt es zahlreiche M{\"o}glichkeiten. Neben der legalen Strafverfolgung haben sich seit Mitte der 1970er Jahre vor allem Wahrheitskommissionen als Form gegenseitiger Vers{\"o}hnung zwischen T{\"a}tern und Opfern etabliert. Die vorliegende Studie gibt aus der Perspektive der vergleichenden Politikfeldforschung eine Antwort auf die Frage, welche politischen Faktoren der Wahrheitskommissionen in Uruguay, Panama und Ghana zu einer Verz{\"o}gerung bei den Aufarbeitungsprozessen nach der Transition f{\"u}hren. Dazu werden aus der Theorie von Transitional Justice Hypothesen zur Machtverteilung, dem Ausmaß der Menschenrechtsverletzungen und den zivil-milit{\"a}rischen Reformen f{\"u}r versp{\"a}tete Wahrheitskommissionen abgeleitet, welche zur Plausibilisierung der Verz{\"o}gerung beitragen. Im empirisch-analytischen Teil der Arbeit wird in der Untersuchungs- und Kontrollgruppe deutlich, dass im Vergleich zu transitionsnahen Wahrheitskommissionen ein niedrigeres Niveau an Menschenrechtsverletzungen den politischen Druck f{\"u}r die Aufarbeitung hemmt und die T{\"a}ter als demokratisch gew{\"a}hlte Machthaber nach der Transition kein Interesse an der Wahrheit haben (Ghana und Panama) bzw. mit den neuen Machthabern paktierten (Uruguay). Zudem zeigt die Studie, dass zivil-milit{\"a}rische Reformen keinen Einfluss auf die Aufarbeitung der Wahrheit haben, wie in der Literatur argumentiert wird. Auch wird angezweifelt, dass sich die politische Machtverteilung bei der Einsetzung von Wahrheitskommissionen im Gleichgewicht befindet.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{HeckeFuhrWolfs2021,
  author    = {Hecke, Steven van and Fuhr, Harald and Wolfs, Wouter},
  title     = {The politics of crisis management by regional and international organizations in fighting against a global pandemic},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.]},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852320984516},
  pages     = {672 -- 690},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KlenkPieper2017,
  author    = {Klenk, Tanja and Pieper, Jonas},
  title     = {Accountability in a privatized welfare state},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403251},
  pages     = {31},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the most striking features of recent public sector reform in Europe is privatization. This development raises questions of accountability: By whom and for what are managers of private for-profit organizations delivering public goods held accountable? Analyzing accountability mechanisms through the lens of an institutional organizational approach and on the empirical basis of hospital privatization in Germany, the article contributes to the empirical and theoretical understanding of public accountability of private actors. The analysis suggests that accountability is not declining but rather multiplying. The shifts in the locus and content of accountability cause organizational stress for private hospitals.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Aporien des Rechts},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt am Main},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1405-3},
  issn      = {1864-6492},
  pages     = {196 -- 206},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
  author    = {Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Despite or because of contestation?},
  series = {Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ. Press},
  address   = {Baltimore},
  issn      = {0275-0392},
  doi       = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
  pages     = {329 -- 343},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerPruin2023,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Pruin, Andree},
  title     = {Organizational reputation in executive politics},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523221132228},
  pages     = {16},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a "laboratorization" of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-{\`a}-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-{\`a}-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerWanckel2023,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla},
  title     = {Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector},
  series = {Review of Public Personnel Administration},
  journal   = {Review of Public Personnel Administration},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0734-371X},
  doi       = {10.1177/0734371X221148403},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers "digital overload" that decreases government employees' job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees' freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerWanckel2023,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla},
  title     = {Creativity in policy capacity},
  series = {Public administration review},
  journal   = {Public administration review},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0033-3352},
  doi       = {10.1111/puar.13676},
  pages     = {15},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Creativity is a crucial part of policy capacity in governments. Existing studies on creative behavior in the public sector assess employees' openness to new ideas and creative solutions, and they confirm the relevance of organizational and individual determinants for pro-creativity attitudes. Yet we lack systemic evidence on the explicit level of work-related creativity among policy officials in government organizations. At the same time, novel technologies and particularly social networking services change the working environment of policy officials radically, alter organizational features, and may also yield crucial individual effects. Our study analyses "policy creativity" of policy officials in three European governments. We demonstrate the importance of organizational and individual features, including the stress triggered by using social networking services. Our study captures officials' creativity explicitly and adds to debates on creativity and innovation in the public sector as well as the micro-level foundations of the digital transformation in the public sector.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{YesilkagitBezesFleischer2022,
  author    = {Yesilkagit, Kutsal and Bezes, Philippe and Fleischer, Julia},
  title     = {What's in a name? The politics of name changes inside bureaucracy},
  series = {Public administration},
  volume    = {100},
  journal   = {Public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0033-3298},
  doi       = {10.1111/padm.12827},
  pages     = {1091 -- 1106},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {In this article, we examine the effects of political change on name changes of units within central government ministries. We expect that changes regarding the policy position of a government will cause changes in the names of ministerial units. To this end we formulate hypotheses combining the politics of structural choice and theories of portfolio allocation to examine the effects of political changes at the cabinet level on the names of intra-ministerial units. We constructed a dataset containing more than 17,000 observations on name changes of ministerial units between 1980 and 2013 from the central governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and France. We regress a series of generalized estimating equations (GEE) with population averaging models for binary outcomes. Finding variations across the three political-bureaucratic systems, we overall report positive effects of governmental change and ideological positions on name changes within ministries.},
  language  = {en}
}