@misc{Mols2006,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {Ein chinesisches Jahrhundert?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23134},
  year      = {2006},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{vonBraunmuehl2007,
  author    = {von Braunm{\"u}hl, Claudia},
  title     = {Partizipation in der Wasserversorgung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23247},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {Einerseits f{\"u}hrt in Entwicklungsl{\"a}ndern die Privatisierung von Wasserbetrieben zu Kostensenkungen. Andererseits ver{\"a}ndert sie bisherige M{\"o}glichkeiten der Teilnahme. Diese wiederspruchsvollen Entwicklungen diskutiert die Autorin an Beispielen aus S{\"u}damerika und S{\"u}dafrika. K{\"u}nftige Privatisierungen im Bereich Wasser sollten dauerhafte Formen der Mitwirkung erm{\"o}glichen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hippler2008,
  author    = {Hippler, Jochen},
  title     = {Krise in Pakistan},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23273},
  year      = {2008},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Timmermann2008,
  author    = {Timmermann, Heinz},
  title     = {Belarus von außen demokratisieren?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23328},
  year      = {2008},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Risse im Lukaschenko-Regime Demokratisierung von außen? Handlungsoptionen europ{\"a}ischer Akteure Russland als wichtiger Einflussfaktor},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Nassauer2007,
  author    = {Nassauer, Otfried},
  title     = {Milit{\"a}rmacht Deutschland?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23177},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Im Widerspruch zum V{\"o}lkerrecht Kooperativer Multilateralismus und Selbstbeschr{\"a}nkung Sicherheitspolitik - Rahmenbedingungen und Risiken Offene Fragen und notwendige Diskussionspunkte},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Deng2007,
  author    = {Deng, Chao},
  title     = {Die G8 und Chinas Interessen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23198},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {Die G8 besitzt aus chinesischer Sicht große Entwicklungsm{\"o}glichkeiten. Verglichen mit anderen zwischenstaatlichen Organisationen hat die G8 einzigartige Vorteile angesichts ihrer Macht und Flexibilit{\"a}t. Um ihren Einfluss und ihre Kontrolle {\"u}ber die Weltangelegenheiten zu verst{\"a}rken, sollte die Gruppe reformiert und erweitert werden. China ist gegenw{\"a}rtig nicht an einem Beitritt zur G8 interessiert, wohl aber an einer engen Zusammenarbeit. Langfristig ist es allerdings nur eine Frage der Zeit, bis China der G8 beitreten wird.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Rose2007,
  author    = {Rose, J{\"u}rgen},
  title     = {Wider den „euro-atlantischen Internationalismus" : Berliner Republik und Entgrenzung der Bundeswehr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23212},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Frieden mit aller Gewalt schaffen? Tatbestand: Staatsterrorismus Das Weißbuch 2006 Bundesverfassungsgericht versus Bundesverwaltungsgericht Weltweites Interventionsrecht Lizenz zum V{\"o}lkerrechtsbruch „Re-Transformation" der Bundeswehr Prinzipien f{\"u}r einen sicherheitspolitischen Grundkonsens Breite {\"o}ffentliche Debatte notwendig},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Koetter2008,
  author    = {K{\"o}tter, Wolfgang},
  title     = {T{\"o}dliches Menetekel f{\"u}r die Menschheit : Abr{\"u}stung am Anfang des 21. Jahrhunderts},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23369},
  year      = {2008},
  abstract  = {Atomare, biologische und chemische Waffen bedrohen das {\"U}berleben der Menschheit. Friedens- und Konfliktforscher Wolfgang K{\"o}tter aus Potsdam untersucht die differenzierten Ergebnisse bei der Beseitigung dieser Gefahr. W{\"a}hrend die chemische Abr{\"u}stung, wenn auch mit Verz{\"o}gerungen, voran kommt, fehlt dem Verbot der B-Waffen ein wirksames Kontrollinstrument. Atomare Waffen erleben sogar eine Renaissance und das nukleare Nichtverbreitungsregime droht zu zerbrechen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Timmermann2008,
  author    = {Timmermann, Heinz},
  title     = {Osteuropas Zukunft im geopolitischen Dreieck},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-27057},
  year      = {2008},
  abstract  = {Die Zukunft Osteuropas entscheidet sich im Spannungsfeld zwischen Russland und der EU. Die dortigen Staaten l{\"o}sen sich aus der einseitigen Abh{\"a}ngigkeit eines erstarkten und seine Interessen im postsowjetischen Raum verteidigenden Russland. Ob die EU diese Chance in Osteuropa nutzen kann, h{\"a}ngt davon ab, ob sich die Mitgliedstaaten bereitfinden, ihre wirtschaftlichen und geopolitischen Interessen in der Region gemeinsam zu verfolgen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Giessmann2008,
  author    = {Gießmann, Hans J.},
  title     = {Kalter Krieg auf Probe? : [Gastkommentar]},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-27075},
  year      = {2008},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Schrader1994,
  author    = {Schrader, Lutz},
  title     = {Deutschland und die europ{\"a}ische Sicherheitsagenda},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-28999},
  year      = {1994},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{FrimmelKumke1998,
  author    = {Frimmel, Fritz Hartmann and Kumke, Michael Uwe},
  title     = {Optische Parameter zur Stoffcharakterisierung vom Trinkwasser bis zum Abwasser},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-13088},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Die Anwendung von optischen Parametern zur Stoffcharakterisierung wird diskutiert. Dabei ist der Schwerpunkt der Diskussion auf absorptions- und fluoreszenzspektroskopische Methoden gesetzt. Beide Methoden k{\"o}nnen schnell und zuverl{\"a}ssig - auch im on-line Betrieb - eingesetzt werden. Der Beitrag soll einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber die grundlegenden M{\"o}glichkeiten der Anwendung beider Methoden geben.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Lian2006,
  author    = {Lian, Yu-ru},
  title     = {Chinas Wandel und die Welt},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-12474},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {Wie stellt sich das Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen China und der Welt im 21. Jahrhundert dar? Die Autorin, Politikwissenschaftlerin aus Peking, verweist auf die aktuelle Debatte in China, in der das Primat der Innenpolitik, regionaler Multilateralismus und harmonische Weltordnung intensiv diskutiert werden. China habe nicht vor, das internationale System herauszufordern oder zu zerst{\"o}ren. Vielmehr sei es um st{\"a}rkere Einbindung bem{\"u}ht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Heberer2006,
  author    = {Heberer, Thomas},
  title     = {Party State im "Reich der Mitte" : zum politischen System in China},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-12484},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {China ist auf dem Weg zu einer offeneren Gesellschaft mit zunehmender Partizipation, gr{\"o}ßerer rechtlicher Sicherheit und individueller Autonomie. Der Staat zog sich aus vielen Bereichen zur{\"u}ck, {\"o}konomische Ziele bestimmen seine Priorit{\"a}ten. Die Entwicklungserfolge brachten jedoch eine Legitimationskrise des Staates mit sich. Vier Dilemmata, die China heute konfrontieren, werden aufgezeigt und Hypothesen zur Charakterisierung des chinesischen party state diskutiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Schaefer2004,
  author    = {Sch{\"a}fer, Bernhard},
  title     = {Die Individualbeschwerde nach dem Fakultativprotokoll zum Zivilpakt : ein Handbuch f{\"u}r die Praxis},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-6007},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Das vorliegende Handbuch bietet vertiefende Informationen zur Individualbeschwerde nach dem Fakultativprotokoll zum Internationalen Pakt {\"u}ber b{\"u}rgerliche und politische Rechte. Das Handbuch richtet sich in erster Linie an Praktiker/innen, die in ihrer Arbeit mit Menschenrechtsverletzungen konfrontiert sind, insbesondere Rechtsanw{\"a}lte und Rechtsanw{\"a}ltinnen sowie Menschenrechtsorganisationen. In umfassender, aber komprimierter Form gibt es zuverl{\"a}ssige Hilfestellung bei der Einlegung einer Beschwerde. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus ist das Handbuch auch f{\"u}r Mitarbeitende in Ministerien, Universit{\"a}ten und sonstigen Einrichtungen geeignet, die sich mit der Materie vertraut machen wollen. (Autorenreferat)},
  subject      = {Internationaler Pakt {\"u}ber b{\"u}rgerliche und politische Rechte},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hocking1996,
  author    = {Hocking, Brian},
  title     = {Bridging boundaries: creating linkages : non-central governments and multilayered policy environments},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11126},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HummelWehrhoefer1996,
  author    = {Hummel, Hartwig and Wehrh{\"o}fer, Birgit},
  title     = {Geopolitische Identit{\"a}ten : Kritik der Ethnisierung einer sich regionalisierenden Welt als paradigmatische Erweiterung der Friedensforschung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11137},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Ferguson1996,
  author    = {Ferguson, Yale H.},
  title     = {R{\"u}ckw{\"a}rtsgeschaut auf die gegenw{\"a}rtige Politik : wider die fatalen Augenkrankheiten alter und neuer Realisten},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11148},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{WolffPowęska1996,
  author    = {Wolff-Powęska, Anna},
  title     = {Deutsche, Russen und Polen : Paradigmen der gegenseitigen Wahrnehmung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11158},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Tomala1996,
  author    = {Tomala, Mieczysław},
  title     = {"Erz{\"a}hlen Sie keinen Unsinn, Genosse Ulbricht!" : Die VR Polen und die DDR in den 60er Jahren ; offizielle Harmonie und internes Mißtrauen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11164},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Gomułka's harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka's distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the G{\"o}rlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Korte1997,
  author    = {Korte, Werner},
  title     = {Prozesse des Staatszerfalls in Liberia},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11182},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Pommerin2000,
  author    = {Pommerin, Reiner},
  title     = {Reif machen f{\"u}r die Welt! : Gedanken zur Ausbildung einer Elite f{\"u}r internationale Aufgaben},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11619},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today's Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master's of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HerrmannPillathQiuxia1998,
  author    = {Herrmann-Pillath, Carsten and Qiuxia, Zhu},
  title     = {Stille F{\"o}deralisierung oder kalte Desintegration? : Zum institutionellen Wandel des chinesischen Steuerstaates},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11426},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27\%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60\% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sprengel1999,
  author    = {Sprengel, Rainer},
  title     = {Politische Grenzen und politische Karten},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11435},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HoffmannLonghurst1999,
  author    = {Hoffmann, Arthur and Longhurst, Kerry},
  title     = {German strategic culture and the changing role of the Bundeswehr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11448},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The article mobilises the concept of strategic culture in order to identify the impact of history upon contemporary security policy. The article will first look at the "wholesale construction" of a strategic culture after the Second World War in West Germany before exploring its impact upon security policy since the end of the Cold War in two areas: the Bundeswehr's out-of-area role and conscription. The central argument presented here is that the strategic culture of the former Federal Republic now writ large on to the new united Germany sets the context within which security policies are designed. This strategic culture, as will be argued, acts as both a facilitating and a restraining variable on behaviour, making certain policy options possible and others impossible.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Archer1999,
  author    = {Archer, Clive},
  title     = {The EU, security and the Baltic region},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11453},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The end of the cold war division of the Baltic Sea in 1989, and the three Baltic states' return to independence in 1991 created new opportunities for the decision-makers of the area, as well as new possibilities for fashioning security in the region. This article will examine the security debate affecting the Baltic Sea region in the post-cold war period, and in particular, the relevance of the European Union to that debate. The following section will examine various concepts of security relevant to the Baltic region; the third section looks at the EU and the Baltic area; and the last part deals with the implications that EU membership by the Baltic Sea states may have for the security of the Baltic Sea zone.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Zaborowski1999,
  author    = {Zaborowski, Marcin},
  title     = {Polens Westgrenze : zwischen rationaler Politik und historischer Erinnerung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11466},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{ImhofRudolph1999,
  author    = {Imhof-Rudolph, Heike},
  title     = {Rentenversicherung in Singapur : der Central Provident Fund},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11478},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Krueger1999,
  author    = {Kr{\"u}ger, Joachim},
  title     = {Rußland und China : eine strategische Partnerschaft?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11489},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hain1997,
  author    = {Hain, Simone},
  title     = {Der Berliner St{\"a}dtebaudiskurs als symbolisches Handeln und Ausdruck hegemonialer Interessen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11348},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Luebbe1998,
  author    = {L{\"u}bbe, Hermann},
  title     = {Technokratie : politische und wirtschaftliche Schicksale einer philosophischen Idee},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11355},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Roesler1998,
  author    = {Roesler, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Demokratische und technokratische Wirtschaftsreformer in der DDR : die politischen Schicksale von Fritz Behrens und Wolfgang Berger},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11369},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens', he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Pauer1998,
  author    = {Pauer, Jan},
  title     = {Moralisch-politischer Dissens in den deutsch-tschechischen Beziehungen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11371},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols1998,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {"In the National Interest" : Australiens Außenpolitik am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11383},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia's international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia's national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author's judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia's international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country's predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Heuser1998,
  author    = {Heuser, Robert},
  title     = {Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11392},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People's Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Gottwald1998,
  author    = {Gottwald, J{\"o}rn},
  title     = {Democratizing Hainan : das Konzept "Kleine Regierung, große Gesellschaft"},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11407},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In 1988, the Government of the People's Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Thomi1999,
  author    = {Thomi, Walter},
  title     = {Nationalstaatliche Regulation und Dezentralisierung : Local Government Reform in Ghana},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11523},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {Ghana's local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments' need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana's 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5\% of the national tax income to the districts.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Forsberg2000,
  author    = {Forsberg, Randall Caroline},
  title     = {Das Dilemma der alleinigen Supermacht : zu einigen milit{\"a}rpolitischen Trends in den USA},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11537},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The end of the Cold War opened a window for a new era in world security. Instead of rising to this extraordinary occasion, the United States has adopted a regressive Great Power approach to military security. Rather than promote 'win-win' solutions for peace, security, disarmament, and democracy, it treats international security as a 'zero-sum' game. This article discusses examples in the areas of military spending, military research and development, and arms production and export. It also looks at US policy regarding the use of force, including the role of the United Nations, military intervention in other nations, military alliances, and multilateral military action. In conclusion, the article comments on whether we can expect more constructive action under a new administration and congress.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Montag2000,
  author    = {Montag, Claus},
  title     = {Die USA und die internationale Abwicklung der DDR im Vereinigungsprozeß},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11548},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sakson2000,
  author    = {Sakson, Andrzej},
  title     = {Die Nationalit{\"a}tenpolitik der III. Republik},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11552},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The comprehensive transformation after the breakdown of communist rule was also reflected in a profound change in national policies. The dominating approach in the days of the old regime were grounded in the concept of a single nation state. The years since 1989 witnessed a rise of new democratic attitudes towards national and ethnic minorities. National minorities make up 3 to 4\% of the population. Their total number is estimated to be approximately 1.0 to 1.3 Million people. Contemporary national policy rejects the principle of assimilation (polonization) of national and ethnic minorities while supporting their integration.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sattar2000,
  author    = {Sattar, Abdul},
  title     = {Pakistans Sicherheitspolitik : die Reduzierung der nuklearen Gefahr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11585},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols2000,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {Die internationale Qualifikation der außenpolitischen Elite Deutschlands},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11607},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hettlage1997,
  author    = {Hettlage, Robert},
  title     = {Identit{\"a}tsmanagement : soziale Konstruktionsvorg{\"a}nge zwischen Rahmung und Brechung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11275},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Woderich1997,
  author    = {Woderich, Rudolf},
  title     = {Gelebte und inszenierte Identit{\"a}ten in Ostdeutschland},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11288},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kosman1997,
  author    = {Kosman, Marceli},
  title     = {Litauen : Legenden einer großen Vergangenheit und Realit{\"a}ten der Gegenwart},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11292},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kiaupiene1997,
  author    = {Kiaupiene, Jurate},
  title     = {Replik zu Marceli Kosmans Version der litauischen Geschichte},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11307},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman's ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Brenner1997,
  author    = {Brenner, Neil},
  title     = {Globalisierung und Reterritorialisierung : St{\"a}dte, Staaten und die Politik der r{\"a}umlichen Redimensionierung im heutigen Europa},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11314},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Leiteritz2000,
  author    = {Leiteritz, Ralf J.},
  title     = {Deutsche Eliten, ihre Universit{\"a}tsausbildung und Global Public Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11592},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{CroissantThiery2000,
  author    = {Croissant, Aurel and Thiery, Peter},
  title     = {Von defekten und anderen Demokratien},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11629},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {After the democratic euphoria of the early 1990s, today the "third wave of democratization" seems to be less a triumph of political liberalism and much more a success story of a "defective" form of democracy. The authors argue that none of the strategies which can be found in contemporary democratization studies is satisfactory. They offer an alternative two-step-strategy of (1) specifying the root concept of democracy and (2) building subtypes of democracy which are based on this specified root concept. In doing so, the authors conceptualize the model of embedded democracy, from which they generate the concept of "defective democracy" and present a typology of these "defective democracies".},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Crabtree2000,
  author    = {Crabtree, John},
  title     = {Autoritarismus in Peru : das Fujimori-Regime},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11630},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The ten-years presidency of Alberto Fujimori in Peru is a classic example of the sort of hybrid democracy that emerged in various Latin American countries in the 1990s, combining a mixture of democratic and clearly non-democratic elements. Fujimori was one of the more autocratic Latin American leaders of the 1990s, he is being the only regime formally to break with pre-existing constitutional rules. Closely tied to the military and intelligence apparatus, his government involved a concentration of political power that reduced the scope and autonomy of other branches of the state. But, unlike previous Latin American military dictatorships, Fujimori's government enjoyed a considerable popularity, born out of disaffection for representative institutions. The article argues, however, that these characteristics of apparent strength carried within them the seeds of their own destruction. Far from establishing lasting political stability, the regime was weakly based. Within six weeks of his inauguration for a third term in July 2000, Fujimori was obliged to announce his intention to withdraw from politics. Two months later, he was ousted altogether.},
  language  = {de}
}