@article{BalderjahnPeyerSeegebarthetal.2018, author = {Balderjahn, Ingo and Peyer, Mathias and Seegebarth, Barbara and Wiedmann, Klaus-Peter and Weber, Anja}, title = {The many faces of sustainability-conscious consumers}, series = {Journal of Business Research}, volume = {91}, journal = {Journal of Business Research}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {New York}, issn = {0148-2963}, doi = {10.1016/j.jbusres.2018.05.022}, pages = {83 -- 93}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Responding to the global call for a "sustainable economy" requires meaningful insights into sustainability-conscious consumers and their actual buying behaviors. Sustainable consumption is not an all-or-nothing phenomenon because it encompasses several distinct behavioral patterns and consumption types. Therefore, companies are well advised to recognize multiple types of sustainability-conscious consumers with different expectations, attitudes, and values and to implement targeting strategies that do not rest on the assumption of homogeneity. Thus, the objective of this study is to provide a more fine-grained picture of (un)sustainable consumer segments and their differentiated effects in different product markets. Based on three large datasets, we create a robust six-segment typology of consumer consciousness regarding sustainable consumption. By using panel data on actual purchases, the results show not only that sustainability concerns significantly positively influence actual sustainable purchases, as expected, but also that sustainable buying can occur independently of sustainability concerns.}, language = {en} } @article{SeyfriedAnsmann2018, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Ansmann, Moritz}, title = {Unfreezing higher education institutions?}, series = {Higher Education}, volume = {75}, journal = {Higher Education}, number = {6}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {0018-1560}, doi = {10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2}, pages = {1061 -- 1076}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly "infected" the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin's seminal concept of "unfreezing" organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.}, language = {en} } @misc{Turner2018, author = {Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Rezension zu: DeHanas, Daniel Nilsson: London Youth, Religion, and Politics: Engagement and Activism from Brixton to Brick Lane. - Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2016. - ISBN: 978-019874367-5}, series = {The British Journal of Sociology}, volume = {69}, journal = {The British Journal of Sociology}, number = {3}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0007-1315}, doi = {10.1111/1468-4446.12361}, pages = {876 -- 877}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {A new political system model}, series = {European Journal for Political Research}, volume = {57}, journal = {European Journal for Political Research}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12224}, pages = {261 -- 281}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Semi-parliamentary government is a distinct executive-legislative system that mirrors semi-presidentialism. It exists when the legislature is divided into two equally legitimate parts, only one of which can dismiss the prime minister in a no-confidence vote. This system has distinct advantages over pure parliamentary and presidential systems: it establishes a branch-based separation of powers and can balance the 'majoritarian' and 'proportional' visions of democracy without concentrating executive power in a single individual. This article analyses bicameral versions of semi-parliamentary government in Australia and Japan, and compares empirical patterns of democracy in the Australian Commonwealth as well as New South Wales to 20 advanced parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. It discusses new semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require formal bicameralism, and pays special attention to semi-parliamentary options for democratising the European Union.}, language = {en} } @article{JantzKlenkLarsenetal.2018, author = {Jantz, Bastian and Klenk, Tanja and Larsen, Flemming and Wiggan, Jay}, title = {Marketization and Varieties of Accountability Relationships in Employment Services}, series = {Administration \& society}, volume = {50}, journal = {Administration \& society}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0095-3997}, doi = {10.1177/0095399715581622}, pages = {321 -- 345}, year = {2018}, abstract = {In the past decade, European countries have contracted out public employment service functions to activate working-age benefit clients. There has been limited discussion of how contracting out shapes the accountability of employment services or is shaped by alternative democratic, administrative, or network forms of accountability. This article examines employment service accountability in Germany, Denmark, and Great Britain. We find that market accountability instruments are additional instruments, not replacements. The findings highlight the importance of administrative and political instruments in legitimizing marketized service provision and shed light on the processes that lead to the development of a hybrid accountability model.}, language = {en} } @article{Daviter2018, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {The framing of EU policies}, series = {Handbook of European Policies Interpretive Approaches to the EU}, journal = {Handbook of European Policies Interpretive Approaches to the EU}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78471-936-4}, doi = {10.1080/13501760701314474}, pages = {91 -- 112}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This chapter discusses how framing analysis can contribute to studies of policy making in the European Union (EU). Framing analysis is understood as an analytical perspective that focuses on how policy problems are constructed and categorised. This analytical perspective allows researchers to reconstruct how shifting problem frames empower competing constituencies and create changing patterns of political participation at the supranational level. Studies that assume a longitudinal perspective on EU policy development show how the framing of EU policy is constitutive of the way in which the jurisdictional boundaries and constitutional mandates of the EU evolve over time. Reviewing the growing body of empirical studies on EU policy framing in the context of the diverse theoretical origins of framing analysis, the chapter argues that framing research which takes seriously the notion that policy-making involves both puzzling and powering allows this analytical perspective to contribute a unique perspective on EU policy making.}, language = {en} } @misc{GieblerRuthTanneberg2018, author = {Giebler, Heiko and Ruth, Saskia P. and Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Why choice matters}, series = {Politics and Governance}, volume = {6}, journal = {Politics and Governance}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cogitatio Press}, address = {Lisbon}, issn = {2183-2463}, doi = {10.17645/pag.v6i1.1428}, pages = {1 -- 10}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Measures of democracy are in high demand. Scientific and public audiences use them to describe political realities and to substantiate causal claims about those realities. This introduction to the thematic issue reviews the history of democracy measurement since the 1950s. It identifies four development phases of the field, which are characterized by three recurrent topics of debate: (1) what is democracy, (2) what is a good measure of democracy, and (3) do our measurements of democracy register real-world developments? As the answers to those questions have been changing over time, the field of democracy measurement has adapted and reached higher levels of theoretical and methodological sophistication. In effect, the challenges facing contemporary social scientists are not only limited to the challenge of constructing a sound index of democracy. Today, they also need a profound understanding of the differences between various measures of democracy and their implications for empirical applications. The introduction outlines how the contributions to this thematic issue help scholars cope with the recurrent issues of conceptualization, measurement, and application, and concludes by identifying avenues for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{SchmidtWellenburgLebaron2018, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian and Lebaron, Frederic}, title = {There is no such thing as "the Economy"}, series = {Historical Social Research}, volume = {43}, journal = {Historical Social Research}, number = {3}, publisher = {GESIS, Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences}, address = {Cologne}, issn = {0172-6404}, doi = {10.12759/hsr.43.2018.3.7-38}, pages = {7 -- 38}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This introductory essay to the HSR Special Issue "Economists, Politics, and Society" argues for a strong field-theoretical programme inspired by Pierre Bourdieu to research economic life as an integral part of different social forms. Its main aim is threefold. First, we spell out the very distinct Durkheimian legacy in Bourdieu's thinking and the way he applies it in researching economic phenomena. Without this background, much of what is actually part of how Bourdieu analysed economic aspects of social life would be overlooked or reduced to mere economic sociology. Second, we sketch the main theoretical concepts and heuristics used to analyse economic life from a field perspective. Third, we focus on practical methodological issues of field-analytical research into economic phenomena. We conclude with a short summary of the basic characteristics of this approach and discuss the main insights provided by the contributions to this special issue.}, language = {en} } @article{SchmidtWellenburg2018, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Struggling over crisis}, series = {Historical Social Research}, volume = {43}, journal = {Historical Social Research}, number = {3}, publisher = {GESIS, Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences}, address = {Cologne}, issn = {0172-6404}, doi = {10.12759/hsr.43.2018.3.147-188}, pages = {147 -- 188}, year = {2018}, abstract = {If you put two economists in a room, you get two opinions, unless one of them is Lord Keynes, in which case you get three opinions." Following the premise of this quotation attributed to Winston Churchill, varying perceptions of the European crisis by academic economists and their structural homology to economists' positions in the field of economics are examined. The dataset analysed using specific multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) and hierarchical agglomerative clustering (HAC) comprises information on the careers of 480 German-speaking economists and on statements they made concerning crisis-related issues. It can be shown that the main structural differences in the composition and amount of scientific and academic capital held by economists as well as their age and degree of transnationalisation are linked to how they see the crisis: as a national sovereign debt crisis, as a European banking crisis, or as a crisis of European integration and institutions.}, language = {en} } @article{RadtkeFleischer2018, author = {Radtke, Ina and Fleischer, Julia}, title = {The Refugee Crisis in Germany}, series = {Societal Security and Crisis Management}, journal = {Societal Security and Crisis Management}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92303-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92303-1_14}, pages = {265 -- 283}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This chapter analyses the creation of novel cross-sectoral and multi-level coordination arrangements inside the German federal bureaucracy during the recent refugee crisis. We argue that the refugee crisis can be considered as an administrative crisis that challenged organisational legitimacy. Various novel coordination actors and arenas were set up in order to enhance governance capacity. Yet, all of them have been selected from a well-known pool of administrative arrangements. As a consequence, those novel coordination arrangements did not replace but rather complement pre-existing patterns of executive coordination. Hence, the recent refugee crisis exemplifies how bureaucracies effectively adapt to changes in their surroundings via limited and temporary adjustments that coexist with existing organisational arrangements. Thus, the observed changes in coordination structures contribute to repairing organisational legitimacy by increasing governance capacity.}, language = {en} } @masterthesis{Steinert2018, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Steinert, Jule Marie}, title = {Ironie in der {\"o}ffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43653}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436535}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {70}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Ziel der vorliegenden Bachelorarbeit ist die Untersuchung der Funktion und Wirkung von Ironie in der {\"o}ffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension. Wie kann eine vermehrte Verwendung von Ironie in der deutschen Berichterstattung das Denken und Sprechen {\"u}ber politisches Geschehen, die freie Meinungs- und Urteilsbildung bis hin zu Entscheidungsfindungen beeinflussen? Als Resultat der qualitativen Dokumentenanalyse wird letztlich ein operationalisiertes Schema konzipiert, welches die genaue Einordnung unterschiedlicher Einsatzm{\"o}glichkeiten von Ironie in den {\"o}ffentlichen Medien auf Textebene erlaubt und in ihrer argumentativen Funktion und komischen Wirkkraft den Einfluss identifiziert, den Ironie auf die jeweilige Sachdebatte nimmt. Um die zwiesp{\"a}ltige Rolle von Ironie im Sprachgebrauch genauer zu bestimmen, wo sie sowohl als n{\"u}tzliches Ausdrucksmittel f{\"u}r die Widerspr{\"u}chlichkeiten im komplexen gesellschaftspolitischen Geschehen als auch als Ohnmachtsreaktion auf deren Unaufl{\"o}sbarkeit erscheinen kann, n{\"a}hert sich die Arbeit der Ironie zun{\"a}chst {\"u}ber ihre epistemologische Geschichte und rhetorische Grunddefinition an. Ironie sagt immer etwas und zugleich etwas anderes. Sie er{\"o}ffnet somit ein Bedeutungsfeld in der Spannung verschiedener oder gar entgegengesetzter Pole und l{\"a}sst mehrere unvereinbare Interpretationen zu. Dieses besondere Stilmittel kann also zu einer differenzierten, multiperspektivischen Betrachtung genutzt werden. Oder aber gerade dazu, klare Positionen zu vermeiden und den R{\"u}ckzug in alternative Auslegungsm{\"o}glichkeit einer Aussage offen zu halten. Im Weiteren sind drei große, epochale Str{\"o}mungen zu unterscheiden, die in der Ironie eine umfassende Geisteshaltung und erkenntnistheoretische Position verstanden beziehungsweise entwickelt haben: Einzeln er{\"o}rtert werden die philosophische Verstellungstechnik der sokratischen Ironie, die poetisch-{\"a}sthetischen Darstellungsverfahren der romantischen Ironie sowie die kritische Selbstbetrachtung der modernen Ironie. Diese loten aus, ob sich eine ironische Geisteshaltung als differenzierte Ann{\"a}herung an die komplexe Wahrheit des Menschen oder im Gegenteil als irrationaler Flucht- oder Irrweg entpuppt. Die zweite S{\"a}ule der Analyse betrachtet die komische Wirkung von Ironie und die Bedeutung des Lachens f{\"u}r den Menschen, der als einziges Lebewesen zu solch einer Reaktion f{\"a}hig ist. Wann lacht der Mensch und was dr{\"u}ckt er damit aus: Hilflosigkeit an den Grenzen seines sozialen Verhaltensspektrums oder Souver{\"a}nit{\"a}t im Umgang mit einer ungewohnten Situation? Komik muss in ihrer medialen Anwendung von Unterhaltungskultur bis seri{\"o}ser Berichterstattung situiert und Ironie klar von anderen komischen Figuren wie der Satire oder dem Sarkasmus unterschieden werden. Ihrer komischen Komponente steht ihr Anteil am Tragischen gegen{\"u}ber, beide spielen zuweilen zusammen. Im R{\"u}ckbezug auf den Einfluss einer ironischen Sprachwahl oder Geisteshaltung auf die Rezension und damit auf die Wahrnehmung des politischen Geschehens finden sich beide Eingangsthesen best{\"a}tigt: Ironie kann hilfreiches Ausdrucksmittel oder Symptom gesellschaftlicher Ohnmacht sein. Rhetorisch dient sie als Kampfmittel im Politikdiskurs oder zur Ridik{\"u}lisierung der Gegenposition. Indem sie stets mehrere Bedeutungsebenen er{\"o}ffnet und andere oder gar gegens{\"a}tzliche Denk- und Seinsweisen zugleich in den Blick nimmt, hat Ironie das Potential, politische sowie kulturelle Ideale und Richtlinien neu in Frage zu stellen. In ihrer destruktiven Kraft, Widerspr{\"u}che anzuzeigen, steckt somit eine aufkl{\"a}rerische Funktion zur Entlarvung von Irrt{\"u}mern oder Erschließung alternativer Ans{\"a}tze. Andererseits kann eine Ironisierung in der Betrachtung und Bewertung von Politik auch auf den Wirklichkeits- oder Identit{\"a}tsverlust einer Gesellschaft hinweisen, wenn n{\"a}mlich die Lebensrealit{\"a}t angesichts g{\"a}nzlich unterschiedlicher, doch ebenso denkbarer Organisationsformen und Weltbilder ihre {\"U}berzeugungskraft einb{\"u}ßt. In der modernen Ironie bietet sich wiederum die Chance, diese Relativit{\"a}t von Werten und Normen als Schl{\"u}sselerlebnis der eigenen Zeit konstruktiv aufzugreifen. Das Unterfangen dieser Bachelorarbeit kulminiert darin, all jene diversen Arten und Ebenen von Ironie in einem einzigen Analyseschema nach operationalisierten Kriterien der Linguistik, Rhetorik, Literaturwissenschaft, Philosophie und {\"A}sthetik bestimmbar zu machen. Im zweiten Schritt wendet das Schema diese Forschungsergebnisse schließlich f{\"u}r eine politikwissenschaftliche Einordnung der Funktion und Wirkung von Ironie bei ihrer Verwendung in der {\"o}ffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension durch textbasierte Medien an. Hierin k{\"o}nnte ein erster Grundstein f{\"u}r eine politische Theorie der Ironie liegen. Das Schema w{\"a}re k{\"u}nftig f{\"u}r eine umfassende, quantitative empirische Untersuchung {\"u}ber den Gebrauch von Ironie in den Pressebeitr{\"a}gen deutscher Medien in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung einsetzbar.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Kirchner2018, author = {Kirchner, Moritz}, title = {Der neueste Geist des Kapitalismus}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-41498}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-414985}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {520}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Der neueste Geist des Kapitalismus beschreibt das heutige Mobilisierungs- und Rechtfertigungsregime, welches uns immer wieder dazu bringt, unsere Arbeitskraft zu verwerten und uns t{\"a}glich ins kapitalistische Hamsterrad zu begeben. Der alte Geist des Kapitalismus, nach dem Fleiß, Disziplin und Sparsamkeit zum gesellschaftlichen Aufstieg f{\"u}hren, tr{\"a}gt l{\"a}ngst nicht mehr. Auch reine Selbstverwirklichung, der Anspruch auf Flexibilit{\"a}t und flache Hierarchien reicht nicht mehr aus, um insbesondere gut qualifizierte Menschen zur Arbeit zu motivieren. Der neueste Geist des Kapitalismus hingegen ist das Produkt der tiefen Subjektivierung und Verinnerlichung des Neoliberalismus. Es geht um best{\"a}ndige berufliche und private Optimierung sowie ein umfassendes Nutzendenken. Gl{\"u}cklich zu sein, ist nicht mehr nur eine Option, sondern es gibt den normativen Anspruch, gl{\"u}cklich sein zu sollen. Das Leistungsprinzip wird aktiv bejaht und Leistungsgerechtigkeit eingefordert. Die Bew{\"a}ltigung von Komplexit{\"a}t wird zum Metathema. Der Anspruch auf Distinktion, insbesondere auch gegen{\"u}ber „Minderleisten" nimmt zu. Die Welt wird zunehmend durch die Brille von Zahlen und Statistiken betrachtet, und Key Performance Indicators werden zu st{\"a}ndigen Wegbegleitern. Das Leben wird, verst{\"a}rkt durch die sozialen Netzwerke, zunehmend zu einer performativen B{\"u}hne, die zugleich dem Networking dient. In der Konsequenz der best{\"a}ndigen Optimierung wird es jedoch immer schwerer, zur Ruhe zu kommen. Dieser neueste Geist des Kapitalismus, dieser umfassende Optimierungsanspruch, hat jedoch gravierende Konsequenzen. Zu den manifesten Pathologien des neuesten Geistes geh{\"o}ren gestiegene Raten von Depressionen, Burn-out und Angstst{\"o}rungen. Gesellschaftlich spreizt sich die soziale Schere immer mehr anhand der F{\"a}higkeit, Komplexit{\"a}t bew{\"a}ltigen zu k{\"o}nnen, was viele Verlierer und prek{\"a}re Gewinner produziert. Daher wird dieser neueste Geist des Kapitalismus sozialkritisch, k{\"u}nstlerkritisch und ideologiekritisch hinterfragt. Die Rolle der Gewerkschaften als der Zentralinstitution der Sozialkritik, die ein tats{\"a}chliches Gegengewicht zum neuesten Geist des Kapitalismus bieten kann, wird kontrovers diskutiert. Und es wird aufgezeigt: chillen ist die neue Subversion.}, language = {de} } @article{Angerer2018, author = {Angerer, Marie-Luise}, title = {Intensive bondage}, series = {Affect in relation: families, places, technologies}, journal = {Affect in relation: families, places, technologies}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-1-315-16386-4}, pages = {241 -- 258}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{GirnusNeuhof2018, author = {Girnus, Luisa and Neuhof, Julia}, title = {Der Wandel von Staatlichkeit als Ziel- und Ausgangspunkt politischen Lernens in der Praxis}, series = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, journal = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0827-4}, pages = {69 -- 76}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Lange2018, author = {Lange, Anne}, title = {On a small scale}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {337}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This study argues that micro relations matter in peacekeeping. Asking what makes the implementation of peacekeeping interventions complex and how complexity is resolved, I find that formal, contractual mechanisms only rarely effectively reduce complexity - and that micro relations fill this gap. Micro relations are personal relationships resulting from frequent face-to-face interaction in professional and - equally importantly - social contexts. This study offers an explanation as to why micro relations are important for coping with complexity, in the form of a causal mechanism. For this purpose, I bring together theoretical and empirical knowledge: I draw upon the current debate on 'institutional complexity' (Greenwood et al. 2011) in organizational institutionalism as well as original empirical evidence from a within-case study of the peacekeeping intervention in Haiti, gained in ten weeks of field research. In this study, scholarship on institutional complexity serves to identify theoretical causal channels which guide empirical analysis. An additional, secondary aim is pursued with this mechanism-centered approach: testing the utility of Beach and Pedersen's (2013) theory-testing process tracing. Regarding the first research question - what makes the implementation of peacekeeping interventions complex -, the central finding is that complexity manifests itself in the dual role of organizations as cooperation partners and competitors for (scarce) resources, turf and influence. UN organizations, donor agencies and international NGOs implementing peacekeeping activities in post-conflict environments have chronic difficulty mastering both roles because they entail contradictory demands: effective cooperation requires information exchange, resource and responsibility-sharing as well as external scrutiny, whereas prevailing over competitors demands that organizations conceal information, guard resources, increase relative turf and influence, as well as shield themselves from scrutiny. Competition fuels organizational distrust and friction - and impedes cooperation. How is this complexity resolved? The answer to this second research question is that deep-seated organizational competition is routinely mediated - and cooperation motivated - in micro relations and micro interaction. Regular, frequent face-to-face interaction between individual organizational members generates social resources that help to transcend organizational distrust and conflict, most importantly familiarity with each other, personal trust and belief in reciprocity. Furthermore, informal conflict mediation and control mechanisms - namely, open discussion, mutual monitoring in direct interaction and social exclusion - enhance solidarity and mutual support.}, language = {en} } @article{Kleinwaechter2018, author = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz}, title = {Kalter Frieden}, series = {WeltTrends das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {26}, journal = {WeltTrends das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {139}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-84-2}, pages = {4 -- 8}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Hill2018, author = {Hill, Lukasz}, title = {Soziale Integration und politische Partizipation in Demokratien}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-420077}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {215}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Die Frage nach dem Zusammenhalt einer ganzen Gesellschaft ist eine der zentralen Fragen der Sozialwissenschaften und Soziologie. Seit dem {\"U}bergang in die Moderne bildet das Problem des Zusammenhalts von sich differenzierenden Gesellschaften den Gegenstand des wissenschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Diskurses. In der vorliegenden Studie stellt soziale Integration eine Form der gelungenen Vergesellschaftung dar, die sich in der Reproduktion von symbolischen und nicht-symbolischen Ressourcen artikuliert. Das Resultat dieser Reproduktion sind pluralistische Vergesellschaftungen, die, bezogen auf politische Pr{\"a}ferenzen, konfligierende Interessen verursachen. Diese Pr{\"a}ferenzen kommen in unterschiedlichen Formen, in ihrer Intensit{\"a}t und Wahrnehmung der politischen Partizipation zum Ausdruck. Da moderne politische Herrschaft aufgrund der rechtlichen und institutionellen Ausstattung einen bedeutsamen Einfluss auf soziale Reproduktion aus{\"u}ben kann (z.B. durch Sozialpolitik), stellt direkte Beeinflussung politischer Entscheidungen, als Artikulation von sich aus den Konfliktlinien etablierenden, unterschiedlichen Pr{\"a}ferenzen, das einzige legitime Mittel zwecks Umverteilung von Ressourcen auf der Ebene des Politischen dar. Somit wird die Konnotation zwischen Integration und politischer Partizipation sichtbar. In die Gesellschaft gut integrierte Mitglieder sind aufgrund einer breiten Teilnahme an Reproduktionsprozessen in der Lage, eigene Interessen zu erkennen und durch politische Aktivit{\"a}ten zum Ausdruck zu bringen. Die empirischen Befunde scheinen den Eindruck zu vermitteln, dass der demokratische Konflikt in der modernen Gesellschaft nicht mehr direkt von Klassenzugeh{\"o}rigkeit und Klasseninteressen gepr{\"a}gt wird, sondern durch den Zugang zu und die Verf{\"u}gbarkeit von symbolischen und nicht-symbolischen Ressourcen geformt wird. In der Konsequenz lautet die Fragestellung der vorliegenden Arbeit, ob integrierte Gesellschaften politisch aktiver sind. Die Fragestellung der Arbeit wird mithilfe von Aggregatdaten demokratisch-verfasster politischer Systemen untersucht, die als etablierte Demokratien gelten und unterschiedlich Breite wohlfahrtstaatlichen Maßnahmen aufweisen. Die empirische {\"U}berpr{\"u}fung der Hypothesen erfolgte mithilfe von bivariaten und multivariaten Regressionsanalysen. Die {\"u}berpr{\"u}ften Hypothesen lassen sich folgend in einer Hypothese zusammenfassen: Je st{\"a}rker die soziale Integration einer Gesellschaft, desto gr{\"o}ßer ist die konventionelle bzw. unkonventionelle politische Partizipation. Verallgemeinert ist die Aussage zul{\"a}ssig, dass soziale Integration einer Gesellschaft positive Effekte auf die H{\"a}ufigkeit politischer Partizipation innerhalb dieser Gesellschaft hat. St{\"a}rker integrierte Gesellschaften sind politisch aktiver und dies unabh{\"a}ngig von der Form (konventionelle oder unkonventionelle) politischer Beteiligung. Dabei ist der direkte Effekt der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Integration auf die konventionellen Formen st{\"a}rker als auf unkonventionellen. Diese Aussage ist nur zul{\"a}ssig, wenn die Elemente des Wahlsystems, wie z.B. Verh{\"a}ltniswahlrecht, und das BIP nicht ber{\"u}cksichtigt werden. Auf der Grundlage der Ergebnisse mit Kontrollvariablen erlauben die Daten die auf die Makroebene bezogene Aussage, dass neben einem hohen Niveau sozialer Integration auch ein durch (Mit-)Beteiligung bestimmtes Wahlsystem und ein hoher wirtschaftlicher Entwicklungsgrad beg{\"u}nstigend f{\"u}r ein hohes Niveau politischer Partizipation sind.}, language = {de} } @article{BradyGiesselmannKohleretal.2018, author = {Brady, David and Giesselmann, Marco and Kohler, Ulrich and Radenacker, Anke}, title = {How to measure and proxy permanent income}, series = {The Journal of Economic Inequality}, volume = {16}, journal = {The Journal of Economic Inequality}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1569-1721}, doi = {10.1007/s10888-017-9363-9}, pages = {321 -- 345}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Permanent income (PI) is an enduring concept in the social sciences and is highly relevant to the study of inequality. Nevertheless, there has been insufficient progress in measuring PI. We calculate a novel measure of PI with the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) and U.S. Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). Advancing beyond prior approaches, we define PI as the logged average of 20+ years of post-tax and post-transfer ("post-fisc") real equivalized household income. We then assess how well various household- and individual-based measures of economic resources proxy PI. In both datasets, post-fisc household income is the best proxy. One random year of post-fisc household income explains about half of the variation in PI, and 2-5 years explain the vast majority of the variation. One year of post-fisc HH income even predicts PI better than 20+ years of individual labor market earnings or long-term net worth. By contrast, earnings, wealth, occupation, and class are weaker and less cross-nationally reliable proxies for PI. We also present strategies for proxying PI when HH post-fisc income data are unavailable, and show how post-fisc HH income proxies PI over the life cycle. In sum, we develop a novel approach to PI, systematically assess proxies for PI, and inform the measurement of economic resources more generally.}, language = {en} } @article{KohlerKreuterStuart2018, author = {Kohler, Ulrich and Kreuter, Frauke and Stuart, Elizabeth A.}, title = {Nonprobability Sampling and Causal Analysis}, series = {Annual review of statistics and its application}, volume = {6}, journal = {Annual review of statistics and its application}, publisher = {Annual Reviews}, address = {Palo Alto}, issn = {2326-8298}, doi = {10.1146/annurev-statistics-030718-104951}, pages = {149 -- 172}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The long-standing approach of using probability samples in social science research has come under pressure through eroding survey response rates, advanced methodology, and easier access to large amounts of data. These factors, along with an increased awareness of the pitfalls of the nonequivalent comparison group design for the estimation of causal effects, have moved the attention of applied researchers away from issues of sampling and toward issues of identification. This article discusses the usability of samples with unknown selection probabilities for various research questions. In doing so, we review assumptions necessary for descriptive and causal inference and discuss research strategies developed to overcome sampling limitations.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Mackert2018, author = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Populism and the crisis of democracy Volume 1 Concepts and Theory}, booktitle = {Populism and the crisis of democracy Volume 1 Concepts and Theory}, editor = {Fitzi, Gregor and Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-138-09136-8}, pages = {1 -- 13}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The rise of populism has promoted a broad, vivid and flourishing debate in the social sciences that seems to have arisen even in the face of the ties between right-wing populism and the extreme right. The social sciences are struggling with how properly to conceptualise and theorise populism as a social and political phenomenon. Incongruity or asynchrony of events in factual history and their being conceptualised is obviously critical with regard to the problems that arise with defining and conceptualising populism. The plurality of usages, applications and meanings of populism thus only shows how, in a vivid debate, scholars can observe a contest for coming to terms with a concept that remains in flux and that needs to be continually revised given rapidly changing social conditions. The chapter also presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book.}, language = {en} }