@article{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Aporien des Rechts}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1405-3}, issn = {1864-6492}, pages = {196 -- 206}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Außerschulische Lernorte, Narrationen und Theater}, series = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II}, booktitle = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II}, editor = {L{\"u}dicke, Lars}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-95410-282-2}, pages = {45 -- 55}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @misc{Turner2021, author = {Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Book review: Populism in the civil sphere / edited: Jeffrey C. Alexander, Peter Kivisto, Giuseppe Sciortino. - Cambridge ; Medford : Polity, 2021. - ISBN 978-1-5095-4474-5 ; 978-1-5095-4473-8}, series = {Journal of classical sociology : JCS}, volume = {21}, journal = {Journal of classical sociology : JCS}, number = {3-4}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1468-795X}, doi = {10.1177/1468795X21996104}, pages = {357 -- 360}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{Debre2021, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {Clubs of autocrats}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y}, pages = {485 -- 511}, year = {2021}, abstract = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerReiners2021, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Reiners, Nina}, title = {Connecting international relations and public administration}, series = {International studies review}, volume = {23}, journal = {International studies review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1521-9488}, doi = {10.1093/isr/viaa097}, pages = {1230 -- 1247}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.}, language = {en} } @article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021, author = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus}, title = {Decision-making in international organizations}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {4}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x}, pages = {815 -- 845}, year = {2021}, abstract = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.}, language = {en} } @article{Reiners2021, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Despite or because of contestation?}, series = {Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law}, volume = {43}, journal = {Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law}, number = {2}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ. Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {0275-0392}, doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021}, pages = {329 -- 343}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.}, language = {en} } @article{Wobbe2021, author = {Wobbe, Theresa}, title = {Die Differenz Haushalt vs. Markt als latentes Beobachtungsschema}, series = {K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie : KZfSS}, volume = {73}, journal = {K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie : KZfSS}, number = {Suppl. 1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0023-2653}, doi = {10.1007/s11577-021-00746-y}, pages = {195 -- 222}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Ausgehend von der Teilung in nichtaktive (Haushalt) und aktive Bev{\"o}lkerung (Markt) fragt der Beitrag nach der Rolle, die statistische Vergleichsverfahren bei dieser Grenzziehung in der Welt der Arbeit spielen. Dies geschieht vor dem Hintergrund der Verzweigung von zwei strukturellen Entwicklungen, n{\"a}mlich dem Wandel der (Arbeits‑)Welten und der statistischen Vergleichsverfahren. Der Beitrag geh{\"o}rt zu den ersten, der diese Nahtstelle systematisch und empirisch an der nationalen und internationalen (Besch{\"a}ftigungs‑)Statistik untersucht. In diesem Beitrag schlage ich vor, die beiden Beobachtungsebenen als ein Feld der inter/nationalen Statistik zu verstehen. Ihre {\"A}hnlichkeiten, Unterschiede und Verzweigungen werden soziologisch bislang noch nicht wahrgenommen. Im Unterschied dazu behandele ich sie aus einer wissensgeschichtlichen und wissenssoziologischen Perspektive gemeinsam hinsichtlich ihrer Selektionsleistungen, Beobachtungsinstrumente und Beschreibungsebenen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen die zunehmende Spezifizierung und Ausdehnung der {\"o}konomischen Dimension von Arbeitst{\"a}tigkeiten, die durch die Ordnungstechniken der inter/nationalen Statistik, verst{\"a}rkt nach 1945, forciert werden. Diese Verschiebungen, so das Argument, sind eng mit dem Aufstieg des technischen Wissens im „technical internationalism" verbunden, die nach 1945 das statistische und das Alltagsverst{\"a}ndnis von der wirtschaftlich nichtaktiven Haushaltsarbeit bekr{\"a}ftigen.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Ssembatya2021, author = {Ssembatya, Anthony}, title = {Dual Citizenship: A comparative study of Kenya and Uganda}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-53118}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-531186}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 177}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Kenya and Uganda are amongst the countries that, for different historical, political, and economic reasons, have embarked on law reform processes as regards to citizenship. In 2009, Uganda made provisions in its laws to allow citizens to have dual citizenship while Kenya's 2010 constitution similarly introduced it, and at the same time, a general prohibition on dual citizenship was lifted, that is, a ban on state officers, including the President and Deputy President, being dual nationals (Manby, 2018). Against this background, I analysed the reasons for which these countries that previously held stringent laws and policies against dual citizenship, made a shift in a close time proximity. Given their geo-political roles, location, regional, continental, and international obligations, I conducted a comparative study on the processes, actors, impact, and effect. A specific period of 2000 to 2010 was researched, that is, from when the debates for law reforms emerged, to the processes being implemented, the actors, and the implications. According to Rubenstein (2000, p. 520), citizenship is observed in terms of "political institutions" that are free to act according to the will of, in the interests of, or with authority over, their citizenry. Institutions are emergent national or international, higher-order factors above the individual spectrum, having the interests and political involvement of their actors without requiring recurring collective mobilisation or imposing intervention to realise these regularities. Transnational institutions are organisations with authority beyond single governments. Given their International obligations, I analysed the role of the UN, AU, and EAC in influencing the citizenship debates and reforms in Kenya and Uganda. Further, non-state actors, such as civil society, were considered. Veblen, (1899) describes institutions as a set of settled habits of thought common to the generality of men. Institutions function only because the rules involved are rooted in shared habits of thought and behaviour although there is some ambiguity in the definition of the term "habit". Whereas abstracts and definitions depend on different analytical procedures, institutions restrain some forms of action and facilitate others. Transnational institutions both restrict and aid behaviour. The famous "invisible hand" is nothing else but transnational institutions. Transnational theories, as applied to politics, posit two distinct forms that are of influence over policy and political action (Veblen, 1899). This influence and durability of institutions is "a function of the degree to which they are instilled in political actors at the individual or organisational level, and the extent to which they thereby "tie up" material resources and networks. Against this background, transitional networks with connection to Kenya and Uganda were considered alongside the diaspora from these two countries and their role in the debate and reforms on Dual citizenship. Sterian (2013, p. 310) notes that Nation states may be vulnerable to institutional influence and this vulnerability can pose a threat to a nation's autonomy, political legitimacy, and to the democratic public law. Transnational institutions sometimes "collide with the sovereignty of the state when they create new structures for regulating cross-border relationships". However, Griffin (2003) disagrees that transnational institutional behaviour is premised on the principles of neutrality, impartiality, and independence. Transnational institutions have become the main target of the lobby groups and civil society, consequently leading to excessive politicisation. Kenya and Uganda are member states not only of the broader African union but also of the E.A.C which has adopted elements of socio-economic uniformity. Therefore, in the comparative analysis, I examine the role of the East African Community and its partners in the dual citizenship debate on the two countries. I argue in the analysis that it is not only important to be a citizen within Kenya or Uganda but also important to discover how the issue of dual citizenship is legally interpreted within the borders of each individual nation-state. In light of this discussion, I agree with Mamdani's definition of the nation-state as a unique form of power introduced in Africa by colonial powers between 1880 and 1940 whose outcomes can be viewed as "debris of a modernist postcolonial project, an attempt to create a centralised modern state as the bearer of Westphalia sovereignty against the background of indirect rule" (Mamdani, 1996, p. xxii). I argue that this project has impacted the citizenship debate through the adopted legal framework of post colonialism, built partly on a class system, ethnic definitions, and political affiliation. I, however, insist that the nation-state should still be a vital custodian of the citizenship debate, not in any way denying the individual the rights to identity and belonging. The question then that arises is which type of nation-state? Mamdani (1996, p. 298) asserts that the core agenda that African states faced at independence was threefold: deracialising civil society; detribalising the native authority; and developing the economy in the context of unequal international relations. Post-independence governments grappled with overcoming the citizen and subject dichotomy through either preserving the customary in the name of "defending tradition against alien encroachment or abolishing it in the name of overcoming backwardness and embracing triumphant modernism". Kenya and Uganda are among countries that have reformed their citizenship laws attesting to Mamdani's latter assertion. Mamdani's (1996) assertions on how African states continue to deal with the issue of citizenship through either the defence of tradition against subjects or abolishing it in the name of overcoming backwardness and acceptance of triumphant modernism are based on the colonial legal theory and the citizen-subject dichotomy within Africa communities. To further create a wider perspective on legal theory, I argue that those assertions above, point to the historical divergence between the republican model of citizenship, which places emphasis on political agency as envisioned in Rousseau´s social contract, as opposed to the liberal model of citizenship, which stresses the legal status and protection (Pocock, 1995). I, therefore, compare the contexts of both Kenya and Uganda, the actors, the implications of transnationalism and post-nationalism, on the citizens, the nation-state and the region. I conclude by highlighting the shortcomings in the law reforms that allowed for dual citizenship, further demonstrating an urgent need to address issues, such as child statelessness, gender nationality laws, and the rights of dual citizens. Ethnicity, a weak nation state, and inconsistent citizenship legal reforms are closely linked to the historical factors of both countries. I further indicate the economic and political incentives that influenced the reform. Keywords: Citizenship, dual citizenship, nation state, republicanism, liberalism, transnationalism, post-nationalism}, language = {en} } @article{MelligerLilliestam2021, author = {Melliger, Marc Andr{\´e} and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Effects of coordinating support policy changes on renewable power investor choices in Europe}, series = {Energy policy : the international journal of the political, economic, planning, environmental and social aspects of energy}, volume = {148}, journal = {Energy policy : the international journal of the political, economic, planning, environmental and social aspects of energy}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0301-4215}, doi = {10.1016/j.enpol.2020.111993}, pages = {20}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The economic context for renewable power in Europe is shifting: feed-in tariffs are replaced by auctioned premiums as the main support schemes. As renewables approach competitiveness, political pressure mounts to phase out support, whereas some other actors perceive a need for continued fixed-price support. We investigate how the phase-out of support or the reintroduction of feed-in tariffs would affect investors' choices for renewables through a conjoint analysis. In particular, we analyse the impact of coordination - the simultaneousness - of policy changes across countries and technologies. We find that investment choices are not strongly affected if policy changes are coordinated and returns unaffected. However, if policy changes are uncoordinated, investments shift to still supported - less mature and costlier - technologies or countries where support remains or is reintroduced. This shift is particularly strong for large investors and could potentially skew the European power mix towards an over-reliance on a single, less mature technology or specific generation region, resulting in a more expensive power system. If European countries want to change their renewable power support policies, and especially if they phase out support and expose renewables to market competition, it is important that they coordinate their actions.}, language = {en} }