@article{Franzke1991, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Der August 1991 und die Folgen}, year = {1991}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1991, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Die UdSSR und der Golfkrieg}, year = {1991}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1992, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {F{\"u}r eine gemeinsame europ{\"a}ische Asyl- und Einwanderungspolitik}, year = {1992}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1998, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Nationale Konsolidierung vs. soziale Fragmentierung}, year = {1998}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1994, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Die DDR-Deutschen : weiter auf der Suche nach ihrem Platz im einig Vaterland}, year = {1994}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1994, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Sozio-{\"o}konomischer Strukturwandel in den neuen Bundesl{\"a}ndern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, year = {1994}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1993, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Der schwierige Weg des Ostens (Thesen)}, year = {1993}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1997, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Das Regierungssystem im heutigen Rußland}, year = {1997}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1996, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Osterweiterung der NATO oder Westbindung der Mitteleurop{\"a}er?}, year = {1996}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1993, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Der " neue Nationalismus" im Osten Europas}, year = {1993}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1996, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Modellkommunen in Brandenburg}, year = {1996}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1996, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Wachsende Rivalit{\"a}t}, year = {1996}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1995, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Das Imperium unter dem roten Banner : {\"U}berlegungen zum Ende der Sowjetunion}, year = {1995}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1995, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Die Transatlantische Sicherheitspolitik und ihre k{\"u}nftige Entwicklung : Weg frei f{\"u}r Osteuropa?}, year = {1995}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1995, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Unterste Grenze : zum brandenburgischen Gemeindefinanzierungsgesetz 1995}, year = {1995}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1995, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Wird Osteuropa vergessen : pro und contra}, year = {1995}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke1995, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Einmalige Chance : Funktionalreform in Ostdeutschland}, year = {1995}, language = {de} } @article{FranzkeBoogersRuanoetal.2007, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Boogers, Marcel and Ruano, Jose M. and Schaap, Linze}, title = {Introduction}, isbn = {978-90-352-4176-3}, year = {2007}, language = {en} } @article{FranzkeBoogersRuanoetal.2007, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Boogers, Marcel and Ruano, Jose M. and Schaap, Linze}, title = {Conclusions : Governance and Democracy at the Local Level - Structures, Processes and Tensions}, isbn = {978-90-352-4176-3}, year = {2007}, language = {en} } @article{FranzkeBuechner1999, author = {Franzke, Jochen and B{\"u}chner, Christiane}, title = {Kommunale Selbstverwaltung in Brandenburg}, year = {1999}, language = {de} } @article{FranzkeCromeMontagetal.1992, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Crome, Erhard and Montag, Claus and Schrader, Lutz}, title = {Neue Herausforderungen an die europ{\"a}ische Sicherheitspolitik in den neunziger Jahren (Thesen)}, year = {1992}, language = {de} } @article{FranzkeNewiger1997, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Newiger, Griet}, title = {Personal und Verwaltungsreform in ostdeutschen Kommunen}, year = {1997}, language = {de} } @article{FranzkeSchwarz1996, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Schwarz, Siegfried K.}, title = {NATO-Osterweiterung : Bericht {\"u}ber eine Konferenz ; Thesen zur weiteren Debatte}, year = {1996}, language = {de} } @article{Franzmann2011, author = {Franzmann, Simon T.}, title = {Competition, contest, and cooperation the analytic framework of the issue market}, series = {Journal of theoretical politics}, volume = {23}, journal = {Journal of theoretical politics}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0951-6298}, doi = {10.1177/0951629811411747}, pages = {317 -- 343}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters' demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations.}, language = {en} } @article{FreytagSturzbecher2000, author = {Freytag, Ronald and Sturzbecher, Dietmar}, title = {Die Psychologie des Antisemitismus}, isbn = {3-8017-1169-2}, year = {2000}, language = {de} } @article{Friess2016, author = {Frieß, Nina A.}, title = {"From Russia with Blood". Stalinist Repression an the Gulag in Contemporary Crime Fiction}, series = {(Hi-)Stories of the Gulag : fiction and reality}, journal = {(Hi-)Stories of the Gulag : fiction and reality}, isbn = {978-3-8253-6534-9}, pages = {281 -- 302}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @article{FritschVerwiebeLiedl2019, author = {Fritsch, Nina-Sophie and Verwiebe, Roland and Liedl, Bernd}, title = {Declining Gender Differences in Low-Wage Employment in Germany, Austria and Switzerland}, series = {Comparative Sociology}, volume = {18}, journal = {Comparative Sociology}, number = {4}, publisher = {Brill}, address = {Leiden}, issn = {1569-1322}, doi = {10.1163/15691330-12341507}, pages = {449 -- 488}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Although the low-wage employment sector has enlarged over the past 20 years in the context of pronounced flexibility in restructured labor markets, gender differences in low-wage employment have declined in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. In this article, the authors examine reasons for declining gender inequalities, and most notably concentrate on explanations for the closing gender gap in low-wage employment risks. In addition, they identify differences and similarities among the German-speaking countries. Based on regression techniques and decomposition analyses (1996-2016), the authors find significantly decreasing labor market risks for the female workforce. Detailed analysis reveals that (1) the concrete positioning in the labor market shows greater importance in explaining declining gender differences compared to personal characteristics. (2) The changed composition of the labor markets has prevented the low-wage sector from increasing even more in general and works in favor of the female workforce and their low-wage employment risks in particular.}, language = {en} } @article{FruhstorferHudson2022, author = {Fruhstorfer, Anna and Hudson, Alexander}, title = {Costs and benefits of accepting presidential term limits}, series = {Democratization}, volume = {29}, journal = {Democratization}, number = {1}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1351-0347}, doi = {10.1080/13510347.2021.1960314}, pages = {93 -- 112}, year = {2022}, abstract = {As presidents approach the end of their constitutionally defined term in office, they face a number of difficulties, most importantly the deprivation of sources of power, personal enrichment, and protection from prosecution. This leads many of them to attempt to circumvent their term limits. Recent studies explain both the reasons for the extension or full abolition of term limits, and failed attempts to do so. Key explanations include electoral competition and the post-term fate of previous post holders. What we do not know yet is how compliance with term limits may be tied to the current president's expectations for their post-term fate. In particular, we do not know whether leaders who attempt to remove term limits and fail to do so jeopardize their post-term career as a result, and conversely, whether leaders who comply will have better outcomes in terms of security, prestige, and economic gain. Hence, we ask how the decision of a leader to comply or not comply with term limits is conditioned by the expectation of their post-term fate. To address this question, this article introduces new data on the career trajectories of term-limited presidents and its systematic effect on term limit compliance.}, language = {en} } @article{FthenakisNagelStraetzetal.1998, author = {Fthenakis, Wassilios E. and Nagel, B. and Str{\"a}tz, R. and Sturzbecher, Dietmar and Eirich, H. and Mayr, T.}, title = {Neue Konzepte f{\"u}r Kindertageseinrichtungen : eine empirische Studie zur Situations- und Problemdefinition der beteiligten Interessengruppen}, isbn = {3-7841-1106-8}, year = {1998}, language = {de} } @article{FthenakisSturzbecher1998, author = {Fthenakis, Wassilios E. and Sturzbecher, Dietmar}, title = {Entwicklungstendenzen und Perspektiven in der Kindertagesbetreuung}, isbn = {3-7841-1077-0}, year = {1998}, language = {de} } @article{FuchsLederer2007, author = {Fuchs, Doris and Lederer, Markus}, title = {The power of business}, issn = {1469-3569}, year = {2007}, language = {en} } @article{FuertesJantzKlenketal.2014, author = {Fuertes, Vanesa and Jantz, Bastian and Klenk, Tanja and McQuaid, Ronald}, title = {Between cooperation and competition: The organisation of employment service delivery in the UK and Germany}, series = {International journal of social welfare}, volume = {23}, journal = {International journal of social welfare}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {1369-6866}, doi = {10.1111/ijsw.12100}, pages = {S71 -- S86}, year = {2014}, abstract = {The increased emphasis on labour market activation in many European countries has led to new forms of governance in recent decades. Primarily through qualitative data and document analysis, this article compares the restructuring of labour market service delivery in the UK and Germany. The comparison suggests the emergence of complex governance arrangements that seek to balance public regulation and accountability with the creation of room for market competition. As a result, we can observe in both countries a greater use of markets, but also of rules. While in both countries the relationships between different providers of labour market services can best be described as a mixture of cooperation and competition, differences exist in terms of instruments and the comprehensiveness of coordination initiatives. The findings suggest that the distinctions between governance models may be more important in theory than in practice, although the combinations of theoretical forms vary in different circumstances.}, language = {en} } @article{Fuhr2004, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Introduction and Preview}, isbn = {0-8213-5707-7}, year = {2004}, language = {en} } @article{Fuhr2004, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Context of change : decentralization and state reform in Latin America}, isbn = {0-8213-5707-7}, year = {2004}, language = {en} } @article{Fuhr2004, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Modernizing a provincial public sector : an experiment in Mendoza, Argentina}, isbn = {0-8213-5707-7}, year = {2004}, language = {en} } @article{Fuhr1997, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Globale Herausforderung, internationale Beziehungen und Entwicklungspolitik : offene Fragen und einige Anregungen}, year = {1997}, language = {de} } @article{Fuhr1998, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Staatsreform und Verwaltungsmodernisierung : zur neuen Rolle des Staates in Lateinamerika = Reforma del Estado y modernizaci{\´o}n administrativa : acerca del nuevo papel del Estado en America Latina}, year = {1998}, language = {de} } @article{Fuhr1998, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Konstruktiver Globalisierungsdruck? : einige {\"U}berlegungen zu den ver{\"a}nderten Rahmenbedingungen staatlichen Handelns in Entwicklungsl{\"a}ndern}, year = {1998}, language = {de} } @article{Fuhr2013, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Klimawandel und Entwicklungspolitik}, isbn = {978-3-941880-62-7}, year = {2013}, language = {de} } @article{Fuhr1997, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {'Governance' in Entwicklungsl{\"a}ndern : neue Strukturanpassungspolitiken mit Demokratisierungspotential?}, year = {1997}, language = {de} } @article{Fuhr1999, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Institutional change and new incentive structures for development : can decentralization and better local governance help?}, year = {1999}, language = {en} } @article{FuhrLederer2008, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Emerging modes of governance and climate protection : the Role of green companies in newly industrializing countries}, isbn = {978-81-8450-080-6}, year = {2008}, language = {en} } @article{FuhrLederer2009, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Regieren in der Globalisierung}, isbn = {978-3-16-149743-8}, year = {2009}, language = {de} } @article{FuhrLederer2009, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Varieties of carbon governance in newly industrializing}, issn = {1070-4965}, year = {2009}, language = {en} } @article{FuhrLedererSchroeder2007, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Lederer, Markus and Schr{\"o}der, Miriam}, title = {Klimaschutz und Entwicklungspolitik : der Beitrag privater Unternehmen}, isbn = {978-3-8329-3154-4}, year = {2007}, language = {de} } @article{Ganghof2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {A new political system model}, series = {European Journal for Political Research}, volume = {57}, journal = {European Journal for Political Research}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12224}, pages = {261 -- 281}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Semi-parliamentary government is a distinct executive-legislative system that mirrors semi-presidentialism. It exists when the legislature is divided into two equally legitimate parts, only one of which can dismiss the prime minister in a no-confidence vote. This system has distinct advantages over pure parliamentary and presidential systems: it establishes a branch-based separation of powers and can balance the 'majoritarian' and 'proportional' visions of democracy without concentrating executive power in a single individual. This article analyses bicameral versions of semi-parliamentary government in Australia and Japan, and compares empirical patterns of democracy in the Australian Commonwealth as well as New South Wales to 20 advanced parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. It discusses new semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require formal bicameralism, and pays special attention to semi-parliamentary options for democratising the European Union.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2017, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {The Empirical Uses of Theoretical Models}, series = {Political studies review}, volume = {15}, journal = {Political studies review}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1478-9299}, doi = {10.1111/1478-9302.12098}, pages = {49 -- 59}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Veto player theory is a powerful approach to comparative politics. This article argues that the debate about its explanatory success would benefit from more systematic distinctions. The theory not only comes in different theoretical variants, it is also used in radically different ways empirically. Starting from recent debates about the 'testing' of theoretical models, the article distinguishes five ways in which theoretical models can be used empirically: contrastive, axiomatic, exploratory, presumptive and modular. The typology is applied to veto player theory and illustrated with exemplary studies and debates. The article concludes that each type raises different questions that should be answered in individual studies. Moreover, while veto player theory has an excellent track record on four empirical uses, the picture on its contrastive use is far more nuanced. More explicitly contrastive testing of the theory is desirable.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2010, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Review article: Democratic inclusiveness : a reinterpretation of Lijphart's patterns of democracy}, issn = {0007-1234}, doi = {10.1017/S0007123410000128}, year = {2010}, abstract = {This contribution to the study or democratic inclusiveness advances three main claims, based on Lijphart's original data First, his measurement of executive inclusiveness is incoherent and invalid. Secondly, executive inclusiveness is best explained by the interaction of many parties and strong legislative veto points. This implies that executive inclusiveness should not be contained in either of Lijphart's two dimensions of democracy. Thirdly, parties have incentives to economize on the costs of inclusive coalitions by avoiding strong legislative veto points, and these incentives are greater in parliamentary than in presidential systems. Hence. Lijphart's favourite version of consensus democracy - characterized by a parliamentary system and a high degree of executive inclusiveness - is unlikely to be a behavioural-institutional equilibrium.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2013, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Equality-based comparison how to justify democratic institutions in the Real World}, series = {Politics}, volume = {33}, journal = {Politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0263-3957}, doi = {10.1111/1467-9256.12002}, pages = {101 -- 111}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Political scientists regularly justify particular democratic institutions. This article explores two desiderata for such justifications. The first is a formal equality baseline which puts the burden of justification on those who favour more unequal institutions. This baseline is seen as an implication of the rule of law. The second desideratum, the comparison requirement, builds on the first: adequate justifications of particular institutions must compare them to the best alternative, and this comparison must consider the costs for political equality. The two desiderata are applied to political science debates about the proportionality of the electoral system and bicameral systems of legislative decision-making.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2013, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy? Liberty, equality, and history in the justification of political institutions}, series = {Politics, philosophy \& economics}, volume = {12}, journal = {Politics, philosophy \& economics}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {1470-594X}, doi = {10.1177/1470594X12447786}, pages = {179 -- 196}, year = {2013}, abstract = {The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise 'neutral' democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus's own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies.}, language = {en} }