@incollection{Ganghof2022, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Typen von Forschungsdesigns}, series = {Forschungsstrategien in den Sozialwissenschaften}, booktitle = {Forschungsstrategien in den Sozialwissenschaften}, editor = {Tausendpfund, Markus}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-36971-2}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-36972-9_11}, pages = {257 -- 286}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungsdesigns umfassen alle wesentlichen Entscheidungen, die im Forschungsprozess getroffen werden m{\"u}ssen. Der Beitrag unterscheidet drei rundlegende Typen von Forschungsdesigns: x-zentriert, y-zentriert und kontrastiv. Das x-zentrierte Design versucht einen theoretisch spezifizierten kausalen Effekt zu identifizieren und dessen Gr{\"o}ße m{\"o}glichst genau und ohne Verzerrungen zu sch{\"a}tzen. Das y-zentrierte Design versucht mehrere komplement{\"a}re Theorien {\"u}ber kausale Effekte so zu kombinieren, dass bestimmte Ph{\"a}nomene m{\"o}glichst gut erkl{\"a}rt werden. Das kontrastive Design vergleicht die Erkl{\"a}rungskraft von zwei oder mehr konkurrierenden Theorien. Die Unterscheidung der drei Typen ist f{\"u}r qualitative Fallstudien ebenso relevant wie f{\"u}r Experimente oder statistische Studien mit Beobachtungsdaten. Der Beitrag grenzt die drei Typen voneinander ab, erkl{\"a}rt ihre jeweiligen Annahmen und diskutiert ihre Vor- und Nachteile sowie die M{\"o}glichkeiten und Grenzen ihrer Kombination. Daneben diskutiert er den Unterschied zwischen Modellen und Theorien sowie die Bedeutung des Sparsamkeitsprinzips bei der Entwicklung und Bewertung wissenschaftlicher Theorien und Erkl{\"a}rungen.}, language = {de} } @article{TuttnauerWegmann2022, author = {Tuttnauer, Or and Wegmann, Simone}, title = {Voting for Votes}, series = {American political science review}, volume = {116}, journal = {American political science review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, issn = {0003-0554}, doi = {10.1017/S0003055422000338}, pages = {1357 -- 1374}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Scholars frequently expect parties to act strategically in parliament, hoping to affect their electoral fortunes. Voters assumingly assess parties by their activity and vote accordingly. However, the retrospective voting literature looks mostly at the government's outcomes, leaving the opposition understudied. We argue that, for opposition parties, legislative voting constitutes an effective vote-seeking activity as a signaling tool of their attitude toward the government. We suggest that conflictual voting behavior affects voters through two mechanisms: as a signal of opposition valence and as means of ideological differentiation from the government. We present both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, leveraging a dataset of 169 party observations from 10 democracies and linking it to the CSES survey data of 27,371 respondents. The findings provide support for the existence of both mechanisms. Parliamentary conflict on legislative votes has a general positive effect on opposition parties' electoral performance, conditional on systemic and party-specific factors.}, language = {en} } @article{GorupecBrehmerTiberiusetal.2022, author = {Gorupec, Natalia and Brehmer, Nataliia and Tiberius, Victor and Kraus, Sascha}, title = {Tackling uncertain future scenarios with real options}, series = {The Irish journal of management : incorporating IBAR}, volume = {41}, journal = {The Irish journal of management : incorporating IBAR}, number = {1}, publisher = {Orpen Press}, address = {Dublin}, issn = {1649-248X}, doi = {10.2478/ijm-2022-0003}, pages = {69 -- 88}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Real options are widely applied in strategic and operational decision-making, allowing for managerial flexibility in uncertain contexts. Increased scholarly interest has led to an extensive but fragmented research landscape. We aim to measure and systematize the research field quantitatively. To achieve this goal, we conduct bibliometric performance analyses and bibliographic coupling analyses with an in-depth content review. The results of the performance analyses show an increasing interest in real options since the beginning of the 2000s and identity the most influential journals and authors. The science mappings reveal six and seven research clusters over the last two decades. Based on an in-depth analysis of their themes, we develop a research framework comprising antecedents, application areas, internal and external contingencies, and uncertainty resolution through real option valuation or reasoning. We identify several gaps in that framework, which we propose to tackle in future research.}, language = {en} } @article{FruhstorferHudson2022, author = {Fruhstorfer, Anna and Hudson, Alexander}, title = {Costs and benefits of accepting presidential term limits}, series = {Democratization}, volume = {29}, journal = {Democratization}, number = {1}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1351-0347}, doi = {10.1080/13510347.2021.1960314}, pages = {93 -- 112}, year = {2022}, abstract = {As presidents approach the end of their constitutionally defined term in office, they face a number of difficulties, most importantly the deprivation of sources of power, personal enrichment, and protection from prosecution. This leads many of them to attempt to circumvent their term limits. Recent studies explain both the reasons for the extension or full abolition of term limits, and failed attempts to do so. Key explanations include electoral competition and the post-term fate of previous post holders. What we do not know yet is how compliance with term limits may be tied to the current president's expectations for their post-term fate. In particular, we do not know whether leaders who attempt to remove term limits and fail to do so jeopardize their post-term career as a result, and conversely, whether leaders who comply will have better outcomes in terms of security, prestige, and economic gain. Hence, we ask how the decision of a leader to comply or not comply with term limits is conditioned by the expectation of their post-term fate. To address this question, this article introduces new data on the career trajectories of term-limited presidents and its systematic effect on term limit compliance.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesJamesetal.2022, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and James, Oliver and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12670}, pages = {255 -- 274}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.}, language = {en} } @article{YesilkagitBezesFleischer2022, author = {Yesilkagit, Kutsal and Bezes, Philippe and Fleischer, Julia}, title = {What's in a name? The politics of name changes inside bureaucracy}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {100}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12827}, pages = {1091 -- 1106}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In this article, we examine the effects of political change on name changes of units within central government ministries. We expect that changes regarding the policy position of a government will cause changes in the names of ministerial units. To this end we formulate hypotheses combining the politics of structural choice and theories of portfolio allocation to examine the effects of political changes at the cabinet level on the names of intra-ministerial units. We constructed a dataset containing more than 17,000 observations on name changes of ministerial units between 1980 and 2013 from the central governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and France. We regress a series of generalized estimating equations (GEE) with population averaging models for binary outcomes. Finding variations across the three political-bureaucratic systems, we overall report positive effects of governmental change and ideological positions on name changes within ministries.}, language = {en} } @misc{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Rezension zu: Massing, Peter: Politische Bildung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland : Grundlagen - Kontroversen - Perspektiven. - Frankfurt am Main : Wochenschau Verlag, 2021. - 141 S. - ISBN: 978-3-8252-5720-0}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Didaktik der Gesellschaftswissenschaften}, volume = {13}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Didaktik der Gesellschaftswissenschaften}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, issn = {2191-0766}, pages = {146 -- 148}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @book{SommererAgneZellietal.2022, author = {Sommerer, Thomas and Agn{\´e}, Hans and Zelli, Fariborz and Bes, Bart Joachim}, title = {Global Legitimacy Crises}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-194674-5}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192856326.001.0001}, pages = {240}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Global Legitimacy Crises addresses the consequences of legitimacy in global governance, in particular asking: when and how do legitimacy crises affect international organizations and their capacity to rule. The book starts with a new conceptualization of legitimacy crisis that looks at public challenges from a variety of actors. Based on this conceptualization, it applies a mixed-methods approach to identify and examine legitimacy crises, starting with a quantitative analysis of mass media data on challenges of a sample of 32 IOs. It shows that some, but not all organizations have experienced legitimacy crises, spread over several decades from 1985 to 2020. Following this, the book presents a qualitative study to further examine legitimacy crises of two selected case studies: the WTO and the UNFCCC. Whereas earlier research assumed that legitimacy crises have negative consequences, the book introduces a theoretical framework that privileges the activation inherent in a legitimacy crisis. It holds that this activation may not only harm an IO, but could also strengthen it, in terms of its material, institutional, and decision-making capacity. The following statistical analysis shows that whether a crisis has predominantly negative or positive effects depends on a variety of factors. These include the specific audience whose challenges define a certain crisis, and several institutional properties of the targeted organization. The ensuing in-depth analysis of the WTO and the UNFCCC further reveals how legitimacy crises and both positive and negative consequences are interlinked, and that effects of crises are sometimes even visible beyond the organizational borders.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mit narrativen Medien lernen}, series = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, journal = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, edition = {5., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1362-9}, issn = {1435-7526}, pages = {476 -- 483}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{HaenelSchuppert2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Einleitung zu Serene Khaders "Decolonizing universalism: transnational feminist ethic"}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg, Zentrum f{\"u}r Ethik und Armutsforschung}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.12}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Serene Khader ist eine der wenigen feministischen Philosoph:innen in der anglos{\"a}chsischen Philosophie, die sich gezielt mit globaler Ungerechtigkeit und Imperialismus aus Sicht jener Frauen besch{\"a}ftigen, die von kolonialer und kultureller Herrschaft betroffen sind. Hierbei entlarvt sie eindrucksvoll die oftmals westliche Pr{\"a}gung von Feminismus, Gleichstellungspolitik und Philosophie und verfolgt so das Ziel, die Autonomie und Entscheidungskraft aller Frauen anzuerkennen. So zielt Khader in Decolonizing Universalism: A Transnational Feminist Ethic auf eine Neuausrichtung der feministischen Perspektive, welche es schafft, dekolonial und anti-imperialistisch zu sein, ohne gleichzeitig dem Universalismus komplett abzuschw{\"o}ren. Die folgende Buchdiskussion begibt sich in eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Khaders interessanter wie wichtiger Theorie. Einleitend werden wir einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber Khaders Grundgedanken geben. Es schließen sich kritische Kommentare von Tamara Jugov, Mirjam M{\"u}ller, Kerstin Reibold sowie Hilkje C. H{\"a}nel und Fabian Schuppert an, auf die Serene Khader abschließend antwortet.}, language = {de} }