@article{ToySutherlandTownendetal.2017, author = {Toy, Virginia Gail and Sutherland, Rupert and Townend, John and Allen, Michael J. and Becroft, Leeza and Boles, Austin and Boulton, Carolyn and Carpenter, Brett and Cooper, Alan and Cox, Simon C. and Daube, Christopher and Faulkner, D. R. and Halfpenny, Angela and Kato, Naoki and Keys, Stephen and Kirilova, Martina and Kometani, Yusuke and Little, Timothy and Mariani, Elisabetta and Melosh, Benjamin and Menzies, Catriona D. and Morales, Luiz and Morgan, Chance and Mori, Hiroshi and Niemeijer, Andre and Norris, Richard and Prior, David and Sauer, Katrina and Schleicher, Anja Maria and Shigematsu, Norio and Teagle, Damon A. H. and Tobin, Harold and Valdez, Robert and Williams, Jack and Yeo, Samantha and Baratin, Laura-May and Barth, Nicolas and Benson, Adrian and Boese, Carolin and C{\´e}l{\´e}rier, Bernard and Chamberlain, Calum J. and Conze, Ronald and Coussens, Jamie and Craw, Lisa and Doan, Mai-Linh and Eccles, Jennifer and Grieve, Jason and Grochowski, Julia and Gulley, Anton and Howarth, Jamie and Jacobs, Katrina and Janku-Capova, Lucie and Jeppson, Tamara and Langridge, Robert and Mallyon, Deirdre and Marx, Ray and Massiot, C{\´e}cile and Mathewson, Loren and Moore, Josephine and Nishikawa, Osamu and Pooley, Brent and Pyne, Alex and Savage, Martha K. and Schmitt, Doug and Taylor-Offord, Sam and Upton, Phaedra and Weaver, Konrad C. and Wiersberg, Thomas and Zimmer, Martin}, title = {Bedrock geology of DFDP-2B, central Alpine Fault, New Zealand}, series = {New Zealand journal of geology and geophysics : an international journal of the geoscience of New Zealand, the Pacific Rim, and Antarctica ; NZJG}, volume = {60}, journal = {New Zealand journal of geology and geophysics : an international journal of the geoscience of New Zealand, the Pacific Rim, and Antarctica ; NZJG}, number = {4}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Abingdon}, organization = {DFDP-2 Sci Team}, issn = {0028-8306}, doi = {10.1080/00288306.2017.1375533}, pages = {497 -- 518}, year = {2017}, abstract = {During the second phase of the Alpine Fault, Deep Fault Drilling Project (DFDP) in the Whataroa River, South Westland, New Zealand, bedrock was encountered in the DFDP-2B borehole from 238.5-893.2 m Measured Depth (MD). Continuous sampling and meso- to microscale characterisation of whole rock cuttings established that, in sequence, the borehole sampled amphibolite facies, Torlesse Composite Terrane-derived schists, protomylonites and mylonites, terminating 200-400 m above an Alpine Fault Principal Slip Zone (PSZ) with a maximum dip of 62°. The most diagnostic structural features of increasing PSZ proximity were the occurrence of shear bands and reduction in mean quartz grain sizes. A change in composition to greater mica:quartz + feldspar, most markedly below c. 700 m MD, is inferred to result from either heterogeneous sampling or a change in lithology related to alteration. Major oxide variations suggest the fault-proximal Alpine Fault alteration zone, as previously defined in DFDP-1 core, was not sampled.}, language = {en} } @article{TobinNamFowler2017, author = {Tobin, Stephen J. and Nam, Hosung and Fowler, Carol A.}, title = {Phonetic drift in Spanish-English bilinguals: Experiment and a self-organizing model}, series = {Journal of phonetics}, volume = {65}, journal = {Journal of phonetics}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {London}, issn = {0095-4470}, doi = {10.1016/j.wocn.2017.05.006}, pages = {45 -- 59}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Studies of speech accommodation provide evidence for change in use of language structures beyond the critical/sensitive period. For example, Sancier and Fowler (1997) found changes in the voice-onset-times (VOTs) of both languages of a Portuguese-English bilingual as a function of her language context. Though accommodation has been studied widely within a monolingual context, it has received less attention in and between the languages of bilinguals. We tested whether these findings of phonetic accommodation, speech accommodation at the phonetic level, would generalize to a sample of Spanish-English bilinguals. We recorded participants reading Spanish and English sentences after 3-4 months in the US and after 2-4 weeks in a Spanish speaking country and measured the VOTs of their voiceless plosives. Our statistical analyses show that participants' English VOTs drifted towards those of the ambient language, but their Spanish VOTs did not. We found considerable variation in the extent of individual participants' drift in English. Further analysis of our results suggested that native-likeness of L2 VOTs and extent of active language use predict the extent of drift. We provide a model based on principles of self-organizing dynamical systems to account for our Spanish-English phonetic drift findings and the Portuguese-English findings.}, language = {en} } @misc{HullebusTobinGafos2018, author = {Hullebus, Marc Antony and Tobin, Stephen J. and Gafos, Adamantios I.}, title = {Speaker-specific structure in German voiceless stop voice onset times}, series = {19th Annual confernce of the international speech communication association (INTERSPEECH 2018), VOLS 1-6: speech research for emerging markets in multilingual societies}, journal = {19th Annual confernce of the international speech communication association (INTERSPEECH 2018), VOLS 1-6: speech research for emerging markets in multilingual societies}, publisher = {ISCA-International Speech Communication Association}, address = {Baixas}, isbn = {978-1-5108-7221-9}, issn = {2308-457X}, doi = {10.21437/Interspeech.2018-2288}, pages = {1403 -- 1407}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Voice onset time (VOT), a primary cue for voicing in many languages including English and German, is known to vary greatly between speakers, but also displays robust within-speaker consistencies, at least in English. The current analysis extends these findings to German. VOT measures were investigated from voiceless alveolar and velar stops in CV syllables cued by a visual prompt in a cue-distractor task. Comparably to English, a considerable portion of German VOT variability can be attributed to the syllable's vowel length and the stop's place of articulation. Individual differences in VOT still remain irrespective of speech rate. However, significant correlations across places of articulation and between speaker-specific mean VOTs and standard deviations indicate that talkers employ a relatively unified VOT profile across places of articulation. This could allow listeners to more efficiently adapt to speaker-specific realisations.}, language = {en} }