@article{Hein2021,
  author    = {Hein, Johannes},
  title     = {Verb movement and the lack of verb-doubling VP topicalization in Germanic},
  series = {The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer Science + Business Media B.V.},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1383-4924},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10828-021-09125-5},
  pages     = {89 -- 144},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In the absence of a stranded auxiliary or modal, VP-topicalization in most Germanic languages gives rise to the presence of a dummy verb meaning 'do'. Cross-linguistically, this is a rather uncommon strategy as comparable VP-fronting constructions in other languages, e.g. Hebrew, Polish, and Portuguese, among many others, exhibit verb doubling. A comparison of several recent approaches to verb doubling in VP-fronting reveals that it is the consequence of VP-evacuating head movement of the verb to some higher functional head, which saves the (low copy of the) verb from undergoing copy deletion as part of the low VP copy in the VP-topicalization dependency. Given that almost all Germanic languages have such V-salvaging head movement, namely V-to-C movement, but do not show verb doubling, this paper suggests that V-raising is exceptionally impossible in VP-topicalization clauses and addresses the question of why it is blocked. After discussing and rejecting some conceivable explanations for the lack of verb doubling, I propose that the blocking effect arises from a bleeding interaction between V-to-C movement and VP-to-SpecCP movement. As both operations are triggered by the same head, i.e. C, the VP is always encountered first by a downward search algorithm. Movement of VP then freezes it and its lower copies for subextraction precluding subsequent V-raising. Crucially, this implies that there is no V-to-T raising in most Germanic languages. V2 languages with V-to-T raising, e.g. Yiddish, are correctly predicted to not exhibit the blocking effect.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinBarnickel2018,
  author    = {Hein, Johannes and Barnickel, Katja},
  title     = {Replication of R-pronouns in German dialects},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Sprachwissenschaft : ZS},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Sprachwissenschaft : ZS},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0721-9067},
  doi       = {10.1515/zfs-2018-0009},
  pages     = {171 -- 204},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {A considerable number of German dialects exhibit doubled R-pronouns with pronominal adverbs (dadamit, dadafur, dadagegen). At first sight, this type of in situ replication seems to be completely redundant since its occurrence is independent of R-pronoun extraction/movement. The main purpose of this paper is to account for (i) the difference between dialects with regard to replication of R-pronouns and (ii) why an (apparently redundant) process of replication occurs. Following Muller (2000a), who considers R-pronouns to be a repair phenomenon, we present an analysis in the framework of Optimality Theory. We argue that replication of R-pronouns is a consequence of different rankings of universal requirements like e.g. the Inclusiveness Condition, the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis and Antilocality and that the interaction of these constraints results in the occurrence of replication.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinMurphy2022,
  author    = {Hein, Johannes and Murphy, Andrew},
  title     = {VP-nominalization and the Final-over-Final Condition},
  series = {Linguistic inquiry},
  volume    = {53},
  journal   = {Linguistic inquiry},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0024-3892},
  doi       = {10.1162/ling_a_00407},
  pages     = {337 -- 370},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The Final-over-Final Condition has emerged as a robust and explanatory generalization for a wide range of phenomena (Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014, Sheehan et al. 2017). In this article, we argue that it also holds in another domain, nominalization. In languages that show overt nominalization of VPs, one word order is routinely unattested, namely, a head-initial VP with a suffixal nominalizer. This typological gap can be accounted for by the Final-over-Final Condition, if we allow it to hold within mixed extended projections. This view also makes correct predictions about agentive nominalizations and nominalized serial verb constructions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{BreyerCzechHeinetal.1997,
  author    = {Breyer, Herbert and Czech, Olaf and Hein, Christian and Kussmann, Michael and Lehmke, Johannes and Osenberg, Hans and Schulte, Hans and Traebert, Wolf and Wolffgramm, Horst},
  title     = {Empfehlungen des VDI f{\"u}r das Studium des Lehramtes Technik in der gymasialen Oberstufe},
  publisher = {Verein Dt. Ingenieure},
  address   = {D{\"u}sseldorf},
  pages     = {30 S.},
  year      = {1997},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BreyerCzechHeinetal.1997,
  author    = {Breyer, Herbert and Czech, Olaf and Hein, Christian and Kussmann, Michael and Lehmke, Johannes and Osenberg, Hans and Schulte, Hans and Traebert, Wolf and Wolffgramm, Horst and Meier, Bernd},
  title     = {Aufgaben und Ziele des Studiums und Studiengebiet Fachdidaktik Technik},
  year      = {1997},
  language  = {de}
}