@article{Vicente2010,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {On the syntax of adversative coordination},
  issn      = {0167-806X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11049-010-9094-0},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {A series of studies have distinguished two types of but, namely, corrective and counterexpectational. The difference between these two types has been considered largely semantic/pragmatic. This article shows that the semantic difference also translates into a different syntax for each type of but. More precisely, corrective but always requires clause-level coordination, with apparent counterexamples being derived through ellipsis within the second conjunct. On the other hand, counterexpectational but is not restricted in this way, and offers the possibility of coordination of both clausal and subclausal constituents. From this difference, it is possible to derive a number of syntactic asymmetries between corrective and counterexpectational but.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{ChengVicente2012,
  author    = {Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen and Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {Verb doubling in Mandarin Chinese},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {629},
  issn      = {1866-8364},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43688},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436880},
  pages     = {1 -- 37},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {This article examines two so-far-understudied verb doubling constructions in Mandarin Chinese, viz., verb doubling clefts and verb doubling lian…dou. We show that these constructions have the same internal syntax as regular clefts and lian…dou sentences, the doubling effect being epiphenomenal; therefore, we classify them as subtypes of the general cleft and lian…dou constructions, respectively, rather than as independent constructions. Additionally, we also show that, as in many other languages with comparable constructions, the two instances of the verb are part of a single movement chain, which has the peculiarity of allowing Spell-Out of more than one link.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Vicente2010,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {A note on the movement analysis of gapping},
  issn      = {0024-3892},
  year      = {2010},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ChengVicente2013,
  author    = {Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen and Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {Verb doubling in Mandarin Chinese},
  series = {Journal of East Asian linguistics},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {Journal of East Asian linguistics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {0925-8558},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10831-012-9095-6},
  pages     = {1 -- 37},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {This article examines two so-far-understudied verb doubling constructions in Mandarin Chinese, viz., verb doubling clefts and verb doubling lianaEuro broken vertical bar dou. We show that these constructions have the same internal syntax as regular clefts and lianaEuro broken vertical bar dou sentences, the doubling effect being epiphenomenal; therefore, we classify them as subtypes of the general cleft and lianaEuro broken vertical bar dou constructions, respectively, rather than as independent constructions. Additionally, we also show that, as in many other languages with comparable constructions, the two instances of the verb are part of a single movement chain, which has the peculiarity of allowing Spell-Out of more than one link.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LiptakVicente2009,
  author    = {Lipt{\´a}k, Anika and Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {Pronominal doubling under predicate topicalization},
  issn      = {0024-3841},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.lingua.2007.11.007},
  year      = {2009},
  abstract  = {This paper examines the behavior of VP topicalization in two unrelated languages, Hungarian and Spanish. It will show that in spite of the superficial similarity between the elements involved in such topicalization, the two languages employ a fundamentally different strategy in the derivation of these sentences. Hungarian fronts the VP material and spells it out in the form of a resumptive pronoun in the left periphery, in a mechanism similar to that described in Grohmann (2003). Spanish on the other hand generates the resumptive pronominal as an argument internal to the clause. This difference in the two derivations correlates with other differences in VP topicalization in the two languages.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Vicente2013,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {Sluicing - Cross-linguistic perspectives},
  series = {Language : journal of the Linguistic Society of America},
  volume    = {89},
  journal   = {Language : journal of the Linguistic Society of America},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Linguistic Society of America},
  address   = {Washington},
  issn      = {0097-8507},
  pages     = {653 -- 655},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Vicente2011,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {Phase theory},
  series = {Journal of linguistics},
  volume    = {47},
  journal   = {Journal of linguistics},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0022-2267},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0022226711000193},
  pages     = {719 -- 724},
  year      = {2011},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Vicente2016,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {Free versus bound variables and the taxonomy of gaps},
  series = {Natural language semantics : an international journal of semantics and its interfaces in grammar},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Natural language semantics : an international journal of semantics and its interfaces in grammar},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {0925-854X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11050-016-9123-6},
  pages     = {203 -- 245},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Potts (Nat Lang Linguist Theory 20:623-689, 2002a) et seq. presents an analysis of gap-containing supplements (primarily, as-parentheticals) where the gap is modelled as a variable over the semantic type of the constituent that the as-clause adjoins to (the anchor). This much allows the meaning of the gap to be resolved purely compositionally, by defining as as a function that allows the anchor to bind the gap variable. This article presents a class of as-clauses where Potts's analysis seems to break down, in that the gap cannot be modelled as a variable over the semantic type of the anchor. I propose that these cases can be unified with those in Potts's work, as well as a larger class of ellipsis phenomena, by assuming that, under certain conditions, surface gaps are composite entities, containing a bound variable and a free variable that are resolved independently of each other. The bound variable is bound by the anchor (just as in Potts's account), and the free variable is resolved by anaphora to a salient discourse object.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Vicente2011,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis},
  title     = {{\´A}ngel J. Gallego, Phase theory},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {539},
  issn      = {1866-8364},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-41311},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413116},
  pages     = {719 -- 724},
  year      = {2011},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{VicenteBarrosMessicketal.2021,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis and Barros, Matthew and Messick, Troy and Saab, Andres},
  title     = {On a nonargument for cleft sources in sluicing},
  series = {Linguistic inquiry},
  volume    = {52},
  journal   = {Linguistic inquiry},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0024-3892},
  doi       = {10.1162/ling_a_00390},
  pages     = {867 -- 880},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {On the basis of certain semantic intuitions, Barros (2012) argues that ellipsis does not require structural isomorphism between elided structure and its antecedent. We tackle this claim. Semantic intuitions cannot be a pointer to the analysis of silent structure. We provide empirical evidence that raises the question of to what extent semantic intuitions about plausible articulable syntax must inform one's analysis of silent structure. We conclude that the answer to this question must be crosslinguistically informed. We conjecture that ellipsis introduces ellipsis-specific interpretive mechanisms, so that intuitions about "how the unelided structure would be interpreted" are not empirically relevant.},
  language  = {en}
}