@book{AmbauenArnoldBeckeretal.2021,
  author    = {Ambauen, Ladina and Arnold, Maren and Becker, Christian and Chahrour, Mohamed Chaker and Destanovic, Edis and Fretter, Alexandra and Geißler, Marc and Gr{\"u}nberg, Uwe and Habl, Moritz and Hoffmann, Sandra and Juchler, Ingo and Jurkatis, Lena Christine and Keitel, Bernhard and Losensky, Nikolai and Mrowietz, Christian and Nadol, Dominic and Naumann, Asja and Ockenga, Imke and Pohlandt, Anne and P{\"u}rschel, Tobias and Recktenwald, Michelle and Stephan, Roswitha and Tuchel, Johannes and Weinkamp, Christina and Weiß, Christian and Wiecking, Ole and Wockenfuß, Patricia and Zalitatsch, Nora Lina},
  title     = {Mildred Harnack und die Rote Kapelle in Berlin},
  editor    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  edition   = {2., verbesserte Auflage},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-500-2},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-48176},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-481762},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {170},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Mildred Harnack, geb. Fish, stammte urspr{\"u}nglich aus Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Zusammen mit ihrem Ehemann Arvid Harnack zog sie nach Deutschland und lebte seit 1930 in Berlin. Hier lehrte die Literaturwissenschaftlerin an der Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universit{\"a}t (heute Humboldt-Universit{\"a}t) und am Berliner Abendgymnasium (heute Peter A. Silbermann-Schule). Bereits kurz nach der Macht{\"u}bernahme von Adolf Hitler hatte sich um das Ehepaar Harnack ein Kreis von Freunden gebildet, der gegen die Herrschaft der Nationalsozialisten opponierte. Dazu z{\"a}hlten auch Karl Behrens und Bodo Schl{\"o}singer, die beide Sch{\"u}ler Mildred Harnacks am Berliner Abendgymnasium waren. Mildred Harnack konnte mit Hilfe ihrer Kontakte zur amerikanischen Botschaft ihren Sch{\"u}lern im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland ansonsten nicht zug{\"a}ngliche Informationen besorgen. Aufgrund von Funkkontakten des Freundeskreises zur Sowjetunion wurde die Gruppe von den Nationalsozialisten Rote Kapelle genannt - „rot" bezog sich auf deren linke Haltung und mit „Kapelle" wurden Funker assoziiert, die wie Pianisten in einer Kapelle spielen. Der Berliner Oppositionszirkel umfasste bis zu seiner Zerschlagung durch die Nationalsozialisten etwa 150 Personen verschiedenster Berufsgruppen, unterschiedlicher parteipolitischer Einstellungen und Konfessionen. Die Gruppe verfertigte oppositionelle Flugbl{\"a}tter und lieferte Informationen an die amerikanische Botschaft sowie an die Sowjetunion. Mildred Harnack wurde - wie viele ihrer Mitstreiterinnen und Mitstreiter - nach ihrer Verhaftung vom Reichskriegsgericht zum Tode verurteilt und am 16. Februar 1943 in Pl{\"o}tzensee guillotiniert. In diesem Band stellen Studierende der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam sowie H{\"o}rerinnen und H{\"o}rer der Peter A. Silbermann-Schule (Berlin) nach einem kurzen {\"U}berblick zum Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus in Deutschland das Netzwerk der Roten Kapelle sowie die Biographien von Mildred Harnack und ihren Sch{\"u}lern Karl Behrens und Bodo Schl{\"o}singer vom Berliner Abendgymnasium eindr{\"u}cklich vor.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Arnold2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Arnold, Maren},
  title     = {"Der Fall Collini" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51285},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-512851},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {75},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich die Politikdidaktik zunehmend mit dem Einsatz von Narrationen im Politikunterricht besch{\"a}ftigt, denn neben Sachtexten bietet auch die Belletristik die M{\"o}glichkeit, sich mit politischen Themen auseinanderzusetzen. Insbesondere die Literatur von Ferdinand von Schirach hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Anklang in der Gesellschaft gefunden. Von Schirachs Texte greifen gesellschaftskritische Themen auf, beleuchten diese aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und fordern zur Meinungsbildung heraus. Aus diesem Grund weisen von Schirachs Narrationen ein hohes Potential f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung auf. Politische Bildung schließt auch die Rechterziehung ein. Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach setzt sich sowohl mit rechtlichen, als auch mit politischen Themen im Sinne der Rechtserziehung auseinander. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit der Roman Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration eine Chance f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht darstellt. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, werden die Lernchancen und -grenzen des Romans hinsichtlich seiner Thematik und seines Genres, sowie durch den Roman gef{\"o}rderten Kompetenzen herausgearbeitet und die durch ihn m{\"o}glichen f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden Bez{\"u}ge verdeutlicht. Durch die Auseinandersetzung mit von Schirachs Werk besch{\"a}ftigen sich die Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler mit politisch-rechtlichen Themen, wie dem Spannungsverh{\"a}ltnis von Recht und Gerechtigkeit, dem Ablauf von Strafgerichtsverfahren, dem theoretischen Anspruch des Rechtsstaates und dessen realen Schw{\"a}chen. Zudem f{\"o}rdert die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Roman Der Fall Collini die vier fachbezogenen Kompetenzen der Politischen Bildung, sowie Multiperspektivit{\"a}t und exemplarisches Lernen. Des Weiteren verkn{\"u}pft der Roman historische, politisch-rechtliche und moralisch-ethische Aspekte miteinander, wodurch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifende Bez{\"u}ge mit den F{\"a}chern Geschichte, Deutsch und L-E-R hergestellt werden k{\"o}nnen. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus spricht der Justizroman als Narration seine Leserinnen und Leser auch emotional an und f{\"o}rdert somit eine ganzheitliche und nachhaltige Wissensvermittlung im Sinne der Rechtserziehung. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach sich f{\"u}r die unterrichtliche Besch{\"a}ftigung innerhalb der Politischen Bildung besonders eignet.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021,
  author    = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias},
  title     = {The social construction of global health priorities},
  series = {International studies quarterly},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {International studies quarterly},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0020-8833},
  doi       = {10.1093/isq/sqab092},
  pages     = {15},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BergstroemFranzkeKuhlmannetal.2021,
  author    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  title     = {Future Outlook and Scenarios},
  series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  journal   = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_20},
  pages     = {227 -- 286},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Where is local self-government heading in the future? Among trends identified is firstly an intensification of multilevel, intermunicipal, and cross-border governance. In the future even more of cooperation and coordination among different political and administrative levels will be required. Territorial boundaries have become increasingly incongruent with functional public activities. Secondly, the innovative potential of introducing markets as templates for organisational reform has reached its end. Future reforms will most likely try to adapt market reforms to local public contexts, or even reverse the development. Finally, a tightening of state steering and an increased dependence on state funding to uphold local services is expected. Waves of amalgamations might slow down this process but they will not make financial problems disappear completely.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BogumilKuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Digitale Transformation in deutschen Kommunen},
  series = {Die Verwaltung},
  volume    = {54},
  journal   = {Die Verwaltung},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0042-4498},
  doi       = {10.3790/verw.54.1.105},
  pages     = {105 -- 132},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Deutschland landet in europ{\"a}ischen Rankings zur Verwaltungsdigitalisierung regelm{\"a}ßig im hinteren Mittelfeld. Die bisherige Bilanz der Digitalisierung f{\"u}r die deutsche {\"o}ffentliche Verwaltung ist trotz verst{\"a}rkter Anstrengungen aller f{\"o}deraler Ebenen, wie sie insbesondere in der Umsetzung des Onlinezugangsgesetzes (OZG) zum Ausdruck kommen, nach wie vor als eher ern{\"u}chternd einzusch{\"a}tzen. Vor diesem Hintergrund besch{\"a}ftigt sich der vorliegende Beitrag mit der Umsetzung, den H{\"u}rden und ausgew{\"a}hlten Wirkungsaspekten der Verwaltungsdigitalisierung auf kommunaler Ebene. Die empirische Basis bildet eine 2019 abgeschlossene Studie zur digitalen Transformation in einem Schl{\"u}sselbereich b{\"u}rgerbezogener Leistungserbringung, den st{\"a}dtischen B{\"u}rger{\"a}mtern, welche die am meisten nachgefragten kommunalen Dienstleistungen bereitstellen. Aus der Analyse lassen sich wichtige Erkenntnisse f{\"u}r die zuk{\"u}nftige Entwicklung der Digitalisierung {\"o}ffentlicher Leistungserbringung in Deutschland ableiten.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Taking nativism to the streets},
  series = {Moving the social},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {Moving the social},
  publisher = {Institute for Social Movements},
  address   = {Bochum},
  isbn      = {978-3-8375-2491-8},
  issn      = {2197-0386},
  doi       = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62},
  pages     = {43 -- 62},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Ein nach rechts verzerrtes Bild?},
  series = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  issn      = {0934-9200},
  doi       = {10.5771/0934-9200-2021-4-456},
  pages     = {456 -- 473},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Deutsche B{\"u}rger},
  series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  pages     = {187 -- 216},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Der rekonstruktive Nationalismus und die Demokratie},
  series = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
  booktitle = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
  editor    = {Jansen, Christian and Zepp, Marianne},
  publisher = {wbg Academic},
  address   = {Darmstadt},
  isbn      = {978-3-534-40501-5},
  pages     = {87 -- 116},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BotschSchulze2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  title     = {Vorwort},
  series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  pages     = {7 -- 21},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Bruening2021,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Wider den Missbrauch von Beutelsbach},
  series = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
  booktitle = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
  editor    = {Drerup, Johannes and Zulaica y Mugica, Miguel and Yacek, Douglas},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  publisher = {Verlag W. Kohlhammer},
  address   = {Stuttgart},
  isbn      = {978-3-17-039884-9},
  doi       = {10.17433/978-3-17-039883-2},
  pages     = {173 -- 187},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
  pages     = {775 -- 793},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Carl2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Carl, Kea},
  title     = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere: eine Unterrichtskonzeption f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51512},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515129},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {127},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche M{\"o}glichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen f{\"u}r einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden k{\"o}nnen. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an M{\"o}glichkeiten, das sich mit dieser {\"U}berlegung {\"o}ffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktm{\"a}ßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht. Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten f{\"u}r den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielf{\"a}ltige Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte sowohl f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht als auch f{\"u}r weitere Unterrichtsf{\"a}cher bietet.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Dannemann2021,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo},
  title     = {Neoliberale Subjektivierung verstehen},
  series = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
  booktitle = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
  editor    = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-32909-9},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-32910-5_10},
  pages     = {241 -- 262},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Der homo oeconomicus als einziges Leitbild der Gesellschaft - Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage, wie ein Verst{\"a}ndnis der neoliberalen Subjektivierung als Grundlage f{\"u}r die sozio{\"o}konomische Bildung dienen kann, um einer Entwicklung zu einer marktkonformen Demokratie entgegenzuwirken. Ausgehend von Foucaults Vorlesungen zur Biopolitik und Browns aktueller Analyse zum Neoliberalismus wird ein soziologischer Erkl{\"a}rungsansatz formuliert, der das Menschenbild des homo oeconomicus als strukturelles Element unserer Gesellschaft begreift. Mit Bezug auf die besondere Rolle der neoliberalen Rationalit{\"a}t erl{\"a}utert der Beitrag Sichtweisen, die in dieser Entwicklung ein Ende der liberal-demokratischen Ordnung sehen. Im zweiten Teil wird im Sinne der immanenten Kritik eine ideologiekritische Analysekompetenz skizziert, welche die soziale Wirklichkeit mithilfe von Schl{\"u}sselproblemen an eine gesellschaftskritische Perspektive koppelt. Ziel ist es, exemplarisch „gesellschaftliche Ordnungsgrundlagen" (Salomon 2014) herauszufordern, um letztlich das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel einer M{\"u}ndigkeit der Subjekte zu erreichen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{DannemannGirnus2021,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo and Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {R{\"a}ume unterschiedlicher Diversit{\"a}t},
  series = {Politik unterrichten},
  volume    = {36},
  journal   = {Politik unterrichten},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Deutsche Vereinigung f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung, Landesgruppe Niedersachsen},
  address   = {Oldenburg},
  issn      = {0930-2107},
  pages     = {33 -- 45},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Debre2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha},
  title     = {Clubs of autocrats},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y},
  pages     = {485 -- 511},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations},
  series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1758-5880},
  doi       = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {Immune to COVID?},
  publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science},
  address   = {London},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dumas2021,
  author    = {Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Reforms of school supervision in the German L{\"a}nder},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_19},
  pages     = {257 -- 273},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Doerfler2021,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control},
  series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  journal   = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  editor    = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith},
  publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {23 -- 31},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
  title     = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
  series = {European journal of international relations},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {European journal of international relations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1354-0661},
  doi       = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
  pages     = {753 -- 778},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Feil2021,
  author    = {Feil, Hauke},
  title     = {The cancer of corruption and World Bank project performance},
  series = {Development policy review / publ. for the Overseas Development Institute},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Development policy review / publ. for the Overseas Development Institute},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Blackwell Publ.},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1467-7679},
  doi       = {10.1111/dpr.12503},
  pages     = {381 -- 397},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Motivation: Corruption is often cited as a central reason why development projects fail. The article tests this claim by assessing whether World Bank projects perform worse in implementation environments with a higher corruption level. The article focuses specifically on bribery between public officials and firms during the procurement of needed goods and services. Approach and Methods: I use data from the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys to avoid the often-criticized corruption perception indices and to allow for an assessment of effects at the subnational level. The analysis builds on an assessment of the performance ratings of 1,228 World Bank projects and covers 87 different countries. Finding: Overall, the article finds a small but statistically significant correlation between the corruption level and project performance. This result indicates that the corruption level of recipient countries should be considered during the design and implementation of projects. Policy Implications: Nonetheless, the relatively small correlation and the low pseudo R-squareds advise not overestimating the relevance of corruption for project performance. At least for the project level, the article finds no indication that corruption is a primary obstacle to aid effectiveness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021,
  author    = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen},
  title     = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector},
  series = {Der moderne Staat},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Der moderne Staat},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1865-7192},
  doi       = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13},
  pages     = {3 -- 23},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerCarstens2021,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora},
  title     = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning},
  series = {Public Management Review},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Public Management Review},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1470-1065},
  doi       = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803},
  pages     = {1208 -- 1225},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ForsterHeinzel2021,
  author    = {Forster, Timon and Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {Reacting, fast and slow},
  series = {Journal of European public policy},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Journal of European public policy},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-1763},
  doi       = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1942157},
  pages     = {1299 -- 1320},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The COVID-19 pandemic created extraordinary challenges for governments to safeguard the well-being of their people. To what extent has leaders' reliance on scientific advice shaped government responses to the COVID-19 outbreak? We argue that leaders who tend to orient themselves on expert advice realized the extent of the crisis earlier. Consequently, these governments would adopt containment measures relatively quickly, despite the high uncertainty they faced. Over time, differences in government responses based on the use of science would dissipate due to herding effects. We test our argument on data combining 163 government responses to the pandemic with national- and individual-level characteristics. Consistent with our argument, we find that countries governed by politicians with a stronger technocratic mentality, approximated by holding a PhD, adopted restrictive containment measures faster in the early, but not in the later, stages of the crisis. This importance of expert-based leadership plausibly extends to other large-scale societal crises.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
  pages     = {107 -- 121},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
  pages     = {311 -- 333},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Das Zusammenwirken der Ortsbeir{\"a}te mit der Stadtverwaltung und der Stadtverordnetenversammlung},
  editor    = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam, Oberb{\"u}rgermeister},
  publisher = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Land Brandenburg},
  series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  editor    = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-23665-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_72},
  pages     = {518 -- 525},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Das {\"u}ber 860 Jahre alte deutsche Land BB liegt im Nordosten Ds zwischen Elbe und Oder. Es umschließt die Bundeshauptstadt BE, die als Einheitsgemeinde zugleich ein eigenes Land bildet. Potsdam als Landeshauptstadt ist mit 176.000 E. die gr{\"o}ßte Stadt in BB. Mit 29.482 qkm (8,3 \% von D) z{\"a}hlt die Mark zu den fl{\"a}chenreichsten Bundesl{\"a}ndern.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 9},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
  pages     = {335 -- 344},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic},
  series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur},
  address   = {Antony},
  isbn      = {9782281134964},
  pages     = {257 -- 272},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkeSchapp2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and Schapp, Linze},
  title     = {Beyond Charter and Index},
  series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  journal   = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_3},
  pages     = {31 -- 42},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The Chapter examines the concept of local autonomy in modern European states by analysing theoretical approaches. The classical, deductive approach defines local autonomy mostly through legal, economic and financial conditions, especially by formal structures. This proves to be too weak to define the internal strength of local authorities and their real political-administrative power. A more multidimensional definition of autonomy, including indicators as importance, capacity, as well as discretion and democracy at local level is needed. The authors utilise the indicators, used by the Local Autonomy Index (LAI) developed by Ladner et al. and the European Charter of Local Self-Government to find out what is still missing. The contribution redounds to stimulate the scientific debate on local autonomy in Europe. Until the concept of local autonomy will fit for all European states with extremely differentiated local authorities, the research in this field remains a conceptual and heuristic endeavour. Especially, because local government and democracy are until now territory-based, whereas the reality is one of multilevel and cross-border governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fruhstorfer2021,
  author    = {Fruhstorfer, Anna},
  title     = {Constitutional revolutions under autocracy},
  series = {Constitutional studies},
  volume    = {7},
  journal   = {Constitutional studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {University of Wisconsin Press},
  address   = {Madison},
  issn      = {2474-9427},
  pages     = {33 -- 47},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Gary Jacobsohn and Yaniv Roznai's (2020) book Constitutional Revolution offers a sophisticated conceptual framework with a fascinating description of empirical occurrences of substantive revolutions in the practice and understanding of constitutionalism in Germany, India, Hungary, and Israel. While the conceptualization in the book and its empirical illustration clearly draw from regime transformations or substantive changes within democratic regimes, we know little about the extent to which substantive constitutional reforms are possible and meaningful in autocratic regimes. As their concept of constitutional revolution is ambiguous and requires a substantive engagement with an individual case at hand, we cannot sim- ply expect concept equivalence when expanding its use beyond a transitory or democratic context. Hence, in this contribution I ask, What constitutes a constitutional revolution in an autocratic regime? To shed light on this question, I rely on the expectation that we do not find important differences in the substance of autocratic constitutions compared to democratic constitutions. Autocratic elites, also, under- stand the possibilities of constitutional change and respond to them as they offer regime stability and simply more power, but that is not a revolution. Therefore, I argue that the substantive meaning of an amendment must be a departure from the inherent logic of the constitution, especially outside the standard procedures for autocratic ruling. Thus, in this paper I discuss the theoretical implications of a constitutional revolution under autocracy without a regime transition and provide empirical evidence from various constitutional amendments and de facto reforms in Russia. I show that a constitutional revolution is not always the most important or most discussed constitutional change—at least, not in an autocratic context. This discussion has important implications for understanding constitutionalism and autocratic stability and the largely overlooked relationship between substance and process in nondemocratic settings.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
  series = {Third world quarterly},
  volume    = {42},
  journal   = {Third world quarterly},
  number    = {11},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0143-6597},
  doi       = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
  pages     = {2724 -- 2746},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GamarraLechonEscribanoetal.2021,
  author    = {Gamarra, Ana Rosa and Lech{\´o}n, Yolanda and Escribano, Gonzalo and Lilliestam, Johan and L{\´a}zaro, Lara and Cald{\´e}s, Nat{\`a}lia},
  title     = {Assessing dependence and governance as value chain risks},
  series = {Environmental impact assessment review},
  volume    = {93},
  journal   = {Environmental impact assessment review},
  number    = {106708},
  publisher = {Elsevier Science},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0195-9255},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.eiar.2021.106708},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Despite geopolitics play a pivotal role in the energy sector, geopolitical aspects are often not considered in the quantitative assessment models aimed at supporting the energy investment decision-making process. To address this issue, this work proposes an Extended Multi-regional Input-Output model (EMRIO) that incorporates import dependence and governance along the value chain. As case study, two alternative energy investments in Mexico - a Natural Gas Power plant (NG) and a Concentrated Solar Power plant (CSP) - are assessed. The method quantifies the geographical diversification of suppliers and the quality of governance. The assessment of the case study shows that the supply chain of the CSP plant includes more countries and with better governance levels than the supply chain of the NG power plant. That means, a priori, that the supply risks of investing in CSP power plants will be lower, as will suppliers' endogenous geopolitical risk. However, a sensitivity analysis considering different providers of the solar plant components reveals that CSP plant value chain could also entail similar or even higher governance risks levels as the NG plant. The scenario where China provides some of the components entails a much higher governance risks, even higher than the NG base case. In consequence, we have proved that the method proposed allows the identification of hidden geopolitical risks that would otherwise go unnoticed. This paper enlarges the existing knowledge on assessment methodologies for energy policy decision-support by measuring diversification and imports dependence from countries with different levels of governance along the whole value chain.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001},
  pages     = {1 -- 199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-53783},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839},
  pages     = {199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GilmanovaWangGosensetal.2021,
  author    = {Gilmanova, Alina and Wang, Zhifeng and Gosens, Jorrit and Lilliestam, Johan},
  title     = {Building an internationally competitive concentrating solar power industry in China},
  series = {Energy sources : B, economics, planning and policy},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Energy sources : B, economics, planning and policy},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1556-7249},
  doi       = {10.1080/15567249.2021.1931563},
  pages     = {515 -- 541},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This article draws lessons from experiences of developing the photovoltaic (PV) and onshore wind power sectors in China for the development of Chinese Concentrated Solar Power (CSP) into an internationally competitive industry. We analyze the sectoral development with a framework that expands on the concept of lead markets, identifying factors that determine whether domestic industrial development paths may or may not generate export success. We find that the Chinese CSP sector has good potential for becoming internationally competitive because of a strong Chinese knowledge base, a clear eye for product quality, standard-setting, and a focus on the high-efficiency and large-storage technological routes most likely to see growing demand in future international markets. Chinese solar towers are already cheaper than international competitors and so far, appear reliable. However, continued and stable deployment support for CSP, designed to reward dispatchable solar power generation, enabling continued domestic learning-by-doing and -interacting is likely required to realize this export potential. To date, Chinese CSP policy has done many things right and, if the domestic market is maintained through renewed support, has put the Chinese industry well on the path to international competitiveness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Offen f{\"u}r Gr{\"u}nde - Welcher demokratische Anspruch ist an politische Urteile zu stellen?},
  series = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  editor    = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33076-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_9},
  pages     = {147 -- 163},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Demokratie und politische Bildung stehen in einem sich zugewandten Verh{\"a}ltnis. Doch folgt daraus, dass politische Urteile stets demokratisch sein m{\"u}ssen? Der Beitrag diskutiert diese Frage vor dem Hintergrund der derzeitigen Debatte um antidemokratische Bewegungen in der Gesellschaft, der Rolle politischer Bildung als F{\"o}rderin von Demokratie und der individuellen Herausforderung f{\"u}r Lehrpersonen in der Unterrichtspraxis.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse},
  series = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik},
  editor    = {Weißeno, Georg and Ziegler, B{\´e}atrice},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-29673-5},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-29673-5_28-1},
  pages     = {1 -- 16},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse dient als Auswertungsinstrument f{\"u}r Textmaterial, kann aber auch f{\"u}r die Analyse von Ton- und Bildmaterial genutzt werden. Anders als die quantitative Inhaltsanalyse zielt sie darauf ab, dem Material auch Informationen zu entnehmen, auf die ausschließlich interpretativ geschlossen werden kann. Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse kn{\"u}pft an die hermeneutische Tradition des Verstehens an. Der Verstehensprozess wird jedoch in einen vordefinierten, theorie- und regelgeleiteten Forschungsablauf gebettet, um dem wissenschaftlichen Anspruch an Systematik und Intersubjektivit{\"a}t nachzukommen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Europabildung als Dialog {\"u}ber politische Werte},
  series = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren},
  booktitle = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren},
  editor    = {Vetter, Eva and Lange, Dirk and Wegner, Anke},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt/M.},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1278-3},
  pages     = {34 -- 54},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{GirnusNaumannDannemannetal.2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa and Naumann, Rosemarie and Dannemann, Udo and Droll, Max and Brandenburg, DVPB},
  title     = {Politische Bildung als Herausforderung - 30 Jahre Partnerschaft der DVPB-Landesverb{\"a}nde in Brandenburg und NRW},
  series = {Politisches Lernen},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Politisches Lernen},
  number    = {3-4},
  publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {0937-2946},
  pages     = {61 -- 61},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{GosensGilmanovaLilliestam2021,
  author    = {Gosens, Jorrit and Gilmanova, Alina and Lilliestam, Johan},
  title     = {Windows of opportunity for catching up in formative clean-tech sectors and the rise of China in concentrated solar power},
  series = {Environmental innovation and societal transitions},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Environmental innovation and societal transitions},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {2210-4224},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.eist.2021.03.005},
  pages     = {86 -- 106},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We analyse the potential for industry entry and catching up by latecomer countries or firms in formative sectors, by deriving a framework that builds on the concept of windows of opportunity for catching up. This framework highlights differences in technological, market, and institutional characteristics between formative and mature sectors, and elaborates how this may affect opportunities for catching up. We apply this framework to the global Concentrated Solar Power sector, in which China has rapidly narrowed the gap to the global forefront in terms of technological capabilities and market competitiveness. We find that the formative nature of the sector resulted in turbulent development of the technological, market, and institutional dimensions, making it more difficult for early leaders to retain leadership, and therefore easier for latecomer firms or countries to catch up. This signals an increased role in early-stage technology development in the next phase of the energy transition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Heinzel2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {World Bank staff and project implementation},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK},
  series = {West European politics},
  journal   = {West European politics},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0140-2382},
  doi       = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630},
  pages     = {1258 -- 1282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Managing performance and winning trust},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-744X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4},
  pages     = {625 -- 653},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeldtDoerfler2021,
  author    = {Heldt, Eugenia C. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Orchestrating private investors for development},
  series = {Regulation \& governance},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Regulation \& governance},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken, NJ},
  issn      = {1748-5983},
  doi       = {10.1111/rego.12432},
  pages     = {1382 -- 1398},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Confronted with a new wave of criticism on the in effectiveness of its development programs, the World Bank embarked on a revitalization process, turning to private investors to finance International Development Association projects and widening its mandate. To explain these adaptation strategies of the World Bank to regain relevance, this piece draws on organizational ecology and orchestration scholarship. We contend that international organizations rely on two adaptation mechanisms, orchestration and scope expansion, when they lose their role as focal actors in an issue area. We find that the World Bank has indeed lost market share and has relied on these two mechanisms to revitalize itself. We show that the World Bank responded to changes in the environment by orchestrating a private sector-oriented capital increase, prioritizing private funding for development through a "cascade approach," and expanding the scope of its mandate into adjacent domains of transnational governance, including climate change and global health.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian},
  title     = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9},
  pages     = {115 -- 130},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannWiderbergLedereretal.2021,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Widerberg, Oscar and Lederer, Markus and Pattberg, Philipp H.},
  title     = {The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat as an orchestrator in global climate policymaking},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.]},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852319840425},
  pages     = {21 -- 38},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Scholars have recently devoted increasing attention to the role and function of international bureaucracies in global policymaking. Some of them contend that international public officials have gained significant political influence in various policy fields. Compared to other international bureaucracies, the political leeway of the Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has been considered rather limited. Due to the specific problem structure of the policy domain of climate change, national governments endowed this intergovernmental treaty secretariat with a relatively narrow mandate. However, this article argues that in the past few years, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat has gradually loosened its straitjacket and expanded its original spectrum of activity by engaging different sub-national and non-state actors into a policy dialogue using facilitative orchestration as a mode of governance. The present article explores the recent evolution of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat and investigates the way in which it initiates, guides, broadens and strengthens sub-national and non-state climate actions to achieve progress in the international climate negotiations. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> The Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has lately adopted new roles and functions in global climate policymaking. While previously seen as a rather technocratic body that, first and foremost, serves national governments, the Climate Secretariat increasingly interacts with sub-national governments, civil society organizations and private companies to push the global response to climate change forward. We contend that the Climate Secretariat can contribute to global climate policymaking by coordinating and steering the initiatives of non-nation-state actors towards coherence and good practice.},
  language  = {en}
}