@article{HohensteinKliegl2014,
  author    = {Hohenstein, Sven and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Semantic preview benefit during reading},
  series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Learning, memory, and cognition},
  volume    = {40},
  journal   = {Journal of experimental psychology : Learning, memory, and cognition},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  address   = {Washington},
  issn      = {0278-7393},
  doi       = {10.1037/a0033670},
  pages     = {166 -- 190},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Word features in parafoveal vision influence eye movements during reading. The question of whether readers extract semantic information from parafoveal words was studied in 3 experiments by using a gaze-contingent display change technique. Subjects read German sentences containing 1 of several preview words that were replaced by a target word during the saccade to the preview (boundary paradigm). In the 1st experiment the preview word was semantically related or unrelated to the target. Fixation durations on the target were shorter for semantically related than unrelated previews, consistent with a semantic preview benefit. In the 2nd experiment, half the sentences were presented following the rules of German spelling (i.e., previews and targets were printed with an initial capital letter), and the other half were presented completely in lowercase. A semantic preview benefit was obtained under both conditions. In the 3rd experiment, we introduced 2 further preview conditions, an identical word and a pronounceable nonword, while also manipulating the text contrast. Whereas the contrast had negligible effects, fixation durations on the target were reliably different for all 4 types of preview. Semantic preview benefits were greater for pretarget fixations closer to the boundary (large preview space) and, although not as consistently, for long pretarget fixation durations (long preview time). The results constrain theoretical proposals about eye movement control in reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseHohensteinKliegletal.2014,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Hohenstein, Sven and Kliegl, Reinhold and Engbert, Ralf},
  title     = {A theoretical analysis of the perceptual span based on SWIFT simulations of the n+2 boundary paradigm},
  series = {Visual cognition},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {Visual cognition},
  number    = {3-4},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-6285},
  doi       = {10.1080/13506285.2014.881444},
  pages     = {283 -- 308},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Eye-movement experiments suggest that the perceptual span during reading is larger than the fixated word, asymmetric around the fixation position, and shrinks in size contingent on the foveal processing load. We used the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading to test these hypotheses and their implications under the assumption of graded parallel processing of all words inside the perceptual span. Specifically, we simulated reading in the boundary paradigm and analysed the effects of denying the model to have valid preview of a parafoveal word n + 2 two words to the right of fixation. Optimizing the model parameters for the valid preview condition only, we obtained span parameters with remarkably realistic estimates conforming to the empirical findings on the size of the perceptual span. More importantly, the SWIFT model generated parafoveal processing up to word n + 2 without fitting the model to such preview effects. Our results suggest that asymmetry and dynamic modulation are plausible properties of the perceptual span in a parallel word-processing model such as SWIFT. Moreover, they seem to guide the flexible distribution of processing resources during reading between foveal and parafoveal words.},
  language  = {en}
}