@book{SchapkowJacob2021, author = {Schapkow, Carsten and Jacob, Frank}, title = {Nationalism in a Transnational Age}, editor = {Schapkow, Carsten and Jacob, Frank}, publisher = {De Gruyter Oldenbourg}, address = {Berlin, Boston}, isbn = {978-3-11-072929-0}, doi = {10.1515/9783110729290-001}, pages = {230}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Nationalism was declared to be dead too early. A postnational age was announced, and liberalism claimed to have been victorious by the end of the Cold War. At the same time postnational order was proclaimed in which transnational alliances like the European Union were supposed to become more important in international relations. But we witnessed the rise a strong nationalism during the early 21st century instead, and right wing parties are able to gain more and more votes in elections that are often characterized by nationalist agendas. This volume shows how nationalist dreams and fears alike determine politics in an age that was supposed to witness a rather peaceful coexistence by those who consider transnational ideas more valuable than national demands. It will deal with different case studies to show why and how nationalism made its way back to the common consciousness and which elements stimulated the re-establishment of the aggressive nation state. The volume will therefore look at the continuities of empire, actual and imagined, the role of "foreign-" and "otherness" for nationalist narratives, and try to explain how globalization stimulated the rise of 21st century nationalisms as well.}, language = {en} } @masterthesis{Unterseher2023, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Unterseher, Lina}, title = {Der Nutzen verk{\"u}rzter Arbeitszeit mit Einkommensausgleich f{\"u}r den {\"o}ffentlichen Arbeitgeber}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-63934}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-639343}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {V, 30, XV}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Dieses Literatur-Review verfolgt angesichts des gegenw{\"a}rtigen, gesteigerten {\"o}ffentlichen Interesses zum Thema von Arbeitszeitverk{\"u}rzungsmodellen mit Gehaltsausgleich das Ziel, den aktuellen deutsch- und englischsprachigen Forschungsstand zum m{\"o}glichen Nutzen von Arbeitszeitverk{\"u}rzungen mit Gehaltsausgleich (AZV+) f{\"u}r den {\"o}ffentlichen Arbeitgeber dar-zustellen und kritisch auszuwerten. Das Review basiert auf insgesamt zehn Publikationen, die zum großen Teil zu dem Schluss kommen, dass AZV+ zu keinen negativen Effekten, sondern zu entweder neutralen oder auch mehrheitlich positiven Auswirkungen auf die Arbeitgebendenseite f{\"u}hren. Dabei handelt es sich insbesondere um verbesserte Stresslevel, gesundheitliche Aspekte, gleichbleibende oder erh{\"o}hte Produktivit{\"a}t und Motivation/Energie sowie verringerte Absentismuszahlen. Die Anreiz-Beitrags-Theorie bietet sich als Erkl{\"a}rungsmodell f{\"u}r diese Ergebnisse gut an, da sie Aussagen dar{\"u}ber trifft, inwiefern Anreizsysteme wie eine AZV+ f{\"u}r Arbeitnehmende durch deren subjektive Bed{\"u}rfnisbefriedigung unter Einhaltung bestimmter Grenzen (keine {\"U}berschreitung der Beitragsforderungen durch Anpassung des Workload) zu Effekten f{\"u}hren kann, die sich indirekt auch positiv hinsichtlich der Organisationsziele aus-wirken. Die ebenfalls angewandten motivationstheoretischen Elemente der Cognitive Evaluation Theory und der Motivation Crowding Theorie eignen sich weniger gut in ihrer Erkl{\"a}rungskraft der untersuchten Effekte, da die Differenzierung verschiedener Motivationsarten im Rahmen der hier untersuchten Studien unerheblich zu sein scheint. Insgesamt ist die Studienlage zu dem Thema AZV+ generell, und auch speziell im {\"o}ffentlichen Sektor, sehr d{\"u}nn und bietet kaum M{\"o}glichkeiten f{\"u}r generalisierende Aus-sagen, sodass ein großer Forschungsbedarf zu diesem Thema besteht.}, language = {de} } @article{BersalliTroendleHeckmannetal.2024, author = {Bersalli, Germ{\´a}n and Tr{\"o}ndle, Tim and Heckmann, Leon and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Economic crises as critical junctures for policy and structural changes towards decarbonization}, series = {Climate policy}, volume = {24}, journal = {Climate policy}, number = {3}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1469-3062}, doi = {10.1080/14693062.2024.2301750}, pages = {410 -- 427}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Crises may act as tipping points for decarbonization pathways by triggering structural economic change or offering windows of opportunity for policy change. We investigate both types of effects of the global financial and COVID-19 crises on decarbonization in Spain and Germany through a quantitative Kaya-decomposition analysis of CO2 emissions and through a qualitative review of climate and energy policy changes. We show that the global financial crisis resulted in a critical juncture for Spanish CO2 emissions due to the combined effects of the deep economic recession and crisis-induced structural change, resulting in reductions in carbon and energy intensities and shifts in the economic structure. However, the crisis also resulted in a rollback of renewable energy policy, halting progress in the transition to green electricity. The impacts were less pronounced in Germany, where pre-existing decarbonization and policy trends continued after the crisis. Recovery packages had modest effects, primarily due to their temporary nature and the limited share of climate-related spending. The direct short-term impacts of the COVID-19 crisis on CO2 emissions were more substantial in Spain than in Germany. The policy responses in both countries sought to align short-term economic recovery with the long-term climate change goals of decarbonization, but it is too soon to observe their lasting effects. Our findings show that crises can affect structural change and support decarbonization but suggest that such effects depend on pre-existing trends, the severity of the crisis and political manoeuvring during the crisis.}, language = {en} } @article{StaufferMengeshaSeifertetal.2022, author = {Stauffer, Maxime and Mengesha, Isaak and Seifert, Konrad and Krawczuk, Igor and Fischer, Jens and Serugendo, Giovanna Di Marzo}, title = {A computational turn in policy process studies}, series = {Complexity}, volume = {2022}, journal = {Complexity}, publisher = {Wiley-Hindawi}, address = {London}, issn = {1076-2787}, doi = {10.1155/2022/8210732}, pages = {17}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The past three decades of policy process studies have seen the emergence of a clear intellectual lineage with regard to complexity. Implicitly or explicitly, scholars have employed complexity theory to examine the intricate dynamics of collective action in political contexts. However, the methodological counterparts to complexity theory, such as computational methods, are rarely used and, even if they are, they are often detached from established policy process theory. Building on a critical review of the application of complexity theory to policy process studies, we present and implement a baseline model of policy processes using the logic of coevolving networks. Our model suggests that an actor's influence depends on their environment and on exogenous events facilitating dialogue and consensus-building. Our results validate previous opinion dynamics models and generate novel patterns. Our discussion provides ground for further research and outlines the path for the field to achieve a computational turn.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannHellstromRambergetal.2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Hellstrom, Mikael and Ramberg, Ulf and Reiter, Renate}, title = {Tracing divergence in crisis governance}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {87}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/0020852320979359}, pages = {556 -- 575}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Angriffe auf die Chancengleichheit}, series = {Welt-Trends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welt-Trends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, number = {185}, publisher = {WeltTrends - Potsdamer Wissenschaftsverlag}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {28 -- 33}, year = {2022}, abstract = {„Gender-Ideologie" und „Gender-Wahn"- diese Begriffe entstammen einem antifeministischen Diskurs, der ohne Bedrohungsszenarien nicht funktioniert. Feministische Errungenschaften - wie die Ehe f{\"u}r alle - werden zur Ursache pers{\"o}nlicher Nachteile umgedeutet. Seine Vertreter*innen verbreiten ihre (oft gewaltvollen) Narrative sowohl auf der Straße als auch im Internet. Antifeministische Bewegungen weisen zudem vielf{\"a}ltige Querverbindungen mit konservativen, nationalistischen, fundamentalreligi{\"o}sen und faschistischen Diskursen auf.}, language = {de} } @incollection{RothermelKellyJasser2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Kelly, Megan and Jasser, Greta}, title = {Of victims, mass murder, and "real men"}, series = {Male supremacism in the United States}, booktitle = {Male supremacism in the United States}, editor = {Carian, Emily K. and DiBranco, Alex and Ebin, Chelsea}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-16472-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003164722-9}, pages = {117 -- 141}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as "the pattern of practice that allowed men's dominance over women to continue." Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men's Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they "repudiat[e] and reif[y]" hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2021, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Critical studies on terrorism}, volume = {15}, journal = {Critical studies on terrorism}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London [u.a.]}, issn = {1753-9153}, doi = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061}, pages = {533 -- 558}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {The role of evidence-based misogyny in antifeminist online communities of the 'manosphere'}, series = {Big data \& society}, volume = {10}, journal = {Big data \& society}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, Calif.}, issn = {2053-9517}, doi = {10.1177/20539517221145671}, pages = {1}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, there have been a growing number of online and offline attacks linked to a loosely connected network of misogynist and antifeminist online communities called 'the manosphere'. Since 2016, the ideas spread among and by groups of the manosphere have also become more closely aligned with those of other Far-Right online networks. In this commentary, I explore the role of what I term 'evidence-based misogyny' for mobilization and radicalization into the antifeminist and misogynist subcultures of the manosphere. Evidence-based misogyny is a discursive strategy, whereby members of the manosphere refer to (and misinterpret) knowledge in the form of statistics, studies, news items and pop-culture and mimic accepted methods of knowledge presentation to support their essentializing, polarizing views about gender relations in society. Evidence-based misogyny is a core aspect for manosphere-related mobilization as it provides a false sense of authority and forges a collective identity, which is framed as a supposed 'alternative' to mainstream gender knowledge. Due to its core function to justify and confirm the misogynist sentiments of users, evidence-based misogyny serves as connector between the manosphere and both mainstream conservative as well as other Far-Right and conspiratorial discourses.}, language = {en} } @book{vonWinter2024, author = {von Winter, Thomas}, title = {Lobbyismus in der deutschen Politik}, publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8252-6210-5}, doi = {10.36198/9783838562100}, pages = {383}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der Band pr{\"a}sentiert eine systematische Aufbereitung empirischer Befunde zum Lobbyismus in Deutschland und vermittelt, wie Lobbyist*innen, Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger*innen und institutionelle Rahmen miteinander interagieren. Untersucht werden politische Aktivit{\"a}ten von sozialen Bewegungen, Verb{\"a}nden, Unternehmen und Beratungsfirmen im Bundestag, der Bundesregierung und der {\"O}ffentlichkeit.}, language = {de} } @book{Wegmann2022, author = {Wegmann, Simone}, title = {The power of opposition}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-0-367-43731-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003005360}, pages = {xiv, 188}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Proposing a novel way to look at the consolidation of democratic regimes, this book presents important theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of democratic consolidation, legislative organization, and public opinion. Theoretically, Simone Wegmann brings legislatures into focus as the main body representing both winners and losers of democratic elections. Empirically, Wegmann shows that the degree of policy-making power of opposition players varies considerably between countries. Using survey data from the CSES, the ESS, and the LAPOP and systematically analyzing more than 50 legislatures across the world and the specific rights they grant to opposition players during the policy-making process, Wegmann demonstrates that neglecting the curial role of the legislature in a democratic setting can only lead to an incomplete assessment of the importance of institutions for democratic consolidation. The Power of Opposition will be of great interest to scholars of comparative politics, especially those working on questions related to legislative organization, democratic consolidation, and/or public opinion.}, language = {en} } @misc{Wegmann2023, author = {Wegmann, Simone}, title = {Sven Siefken und Hilmar Rommetvedt (Hrsg.). 2021. Parliamentary committees in the policy process}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r vergleichende Politikwissenschaft}, volume = {16}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r vergleichende Politikwissenschaft}, number = {4}, publisher = {VS Verl. f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {1865-2646}, doi = {10.1007/s12286-022-00553-5}, pages = {769 -- 772}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @incollection{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, booktitle = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266-2}, pages = {11 -- 36}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, booktitle = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {9781003381266}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266-1}, pages = {10}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism. As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional counterterrorism and countering violent extremism (CT/CVE) initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of terrorism and violent extremism and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in CT policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63889, title = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {9781003381266}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266}, pages = {xi, 291}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This book brings together a variety of innovative perspectives on the inclusion of gender in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism. Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans and at the level of civil society programming, ´have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, there is a need for more systematic analysis of how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism and how it has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policy-making and implementation. Ranging from the processes of global and regional integration of gender into the governance of terrorism, via the impact of the shift on government responses to the return of foreign fighters, to state and civil society-led CVE programming and academic discussions, the essays engage with the origins and dynamics behind recent shifts which bring gender to the forefront of the governance of terrorism. This book will be of great value to researchers and scholars interested in gender, governance and terrorism. The chapters in this book were originally published in Critical Studies on Terrorism.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63885, title = {Dirty capitalism}, editor = {Rodrian-Pfennig, Margit and Oppenh{\"a}user, Holger and Gl{\"a}ser, Georg and Dannemann, Udo}, publisher = {Westf{\"a}lisches Dampfboot}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-89691-092-9}, pages = {224}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Von Garzweiler bis zum Great Pacific Garbage Patch zeigt sich offenkundig: Die kapitalistische Vergesellschaftung ist dreckig. Umso mehr braucht kritische politisch-{\"o}konomische oder sozio-{\"o}konomische Bildung einen gesellschaftstheoretisch fundierten Kapitalismusbegriff. Der Ansatz des Dirty Capitalism leistet hierzu einen expliziten Beitrag. Er greift die vielf{\"a}ltige Kritik an Vorstellungen und analytischer Reichweite eines "reinen" Kapitalismus, wie sie z.B. auch im Ansatz des racial capitalism formuliert wird, auf und erweitert die Analyseperspektive {\"u}ber Klassenverh{\"a}ltnisse hinaus auf Rassismus, (Post-)Kolonialismus, Geschlechter- und Naturverh{\"a}ltnisse. Im Band wird das Konzept weiterentwickelt und als Zugang f{\"u}r die kritische politische Bildung und Politikdidaktik diskutiert und empirisch genutzt.}, language = {de} } @article{Wanckel2021, author = {Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Introducing a digital tool for sustainability impact assessments within the German Federal Government}, series = {International review of administrative sciences}, volume = {89}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Los Angeles, California}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/00208523211047093}, pages = {433 -- 449}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This study examines the institutionalization of information technologies for policy formulation by investigating the case of eNAP. The digital tool was introduced in the spring of 2018 with the aim of supporting and improving sustainability impact assessments (SIAs) within the German Federal Government. Applying a neo-institutional perspective, this study shows how a tool like eNAP is embedded into prevailing regulative, normative, and cultural-cognitive structures. Findings from 10 semi-structured interviews indicate that the application of eNAP varies according to intra-ministerial coordination practices and portfolio-specific information-processing schemata. Overall, the tool serves to translate the abstract regulation to conduct an SIA, as well as to translate the vague norm of "sustainability" into a concrete assessment requirement, thereby helping increase policy officials' awareness of sustainability goals. However, consistent with previous studies, great importance is not attached to SIAs in policy formulation, and prevailing norms and routines make the implementation of eNAP to increase the use of evidence or in-depth considerations of policy alternatives and their consequences unlikely.}, language = {en} } @article{Wanckel2022, author = {Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure}, series = {Government information quarterly}, volume = {39}, journal = {Government information quarterly}, number = {4}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {0740-624X}, doi = {10.1016/j.giq.2022.101705}, pages = {13}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Public sector organizations at all levels of government increasingly rely on Big Data Algorithmic Systems (BDAS) to support decision-making along the entire policy cycle. But while our knowledge on the use of big data continues to grow for government agencies implementing and delivering public services, empirical research on applications for anticipatory policy design is still in its infancy. Based on the concept of policy analytical capacity (PAC), this case study examines the application of BDAS for early crisis detection within the German Federal Government—that is, the German Federal Foreign Office (FFO) and the Federal Ministry of Defence (FMoD). It uses the nested model of PAC to reflect on systemic, organizational, and individual capacity-building from a neoinstitutional perspective and allow for the consideration of embedded institutional contexts. Results from semi-structured interviews indicate that governments seeking to exploit BDAS in policymaking depend on their institutional environment (e.g., through research and data governance infrastructure). However, specific capacity-building strategies may differ according to the departments' institutional framework, with the FMoD relying heavily on subordinate agencies and the FFO creating network-like structures with external researchers. Government capacity-building at the individual and organizational level is similarly affected by long-established institutional structures, roles, and practices within the organization and beyond, making it important to analyze these three levels simultaneously instead of separately.}, language = {en} } @article{UllmannvonStaden2023, author = {Ullmann, Andreas J. and von Staden, Andreas}, title = {A room full of 'views'}, series = {Journal of conflict resolution}, volume = {68}, journal = {Journal of conflict resolution}, number = {2-3}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0022-0027}, doi = {10.1177/00220027231160460}, pages = {534 -- 561}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Quantitative research into the effectiveness of the UN human rights treaty bodies (UNTBs) in eliciting remedial responses from states is impeded by a lack of usable data on how states respond to their decisions. The new Treaty Body Views Dataset (TBVD) aims to fill this gap. It comprises details on all published decisions in individual complaints cases issued by the UNTBs between 1979 and 2019 and matches these with information on their state of compliance. The TBVD can be used for research on the activities of the treaty bodies, the nature of the decisions themselves, or state behavior following a decision. An empirical application illustrates how the TBVD can advance knowledge about the factors that correlate with compliance with adverse UNTB decisions. Results show that the likelihood of implementation hinges critically on decision-level characteristics, and reveal differences and similarities between compliance with UNTB decisions and regional human rights court judgments.}, language = {en} } @article{TrouwloonStreckChagasetal.2023, author = {Trouwloon, Danick and Streck, Charlotte and Chagas, Thiago and Martinus, Glenpherd}, title = {Understanding the use of carbon credits by companies}, series = {Global challenges (Hoboken, NJ)}, volume = {7}, journal = {Global challenges (Hoboken, NJ)}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {2056-6646}, doi = {10.1002/gch2.202200158}, pages = {18}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Worldwide, companies are increasingly making claims about their current climate efforts and their future mitigation commitments. These claims tend to be underpinned by carbon credits issued in voluntary carbon markets to offset emissions. Corporate climate claims are largely unregulated which means that they are often (perceived to be) misleading and deceptive. As such, corporate climate claims risk undermining, rather than contributing to, global climate mitigation. This paper takes as its point of departure the proposition that a better understanding of corporate climate claims is needed to govern such claims in a manner that adequately addresses potential greenwashing risks. To that end, the paper reviews the nascent literature on corporate climate claims relying on the use of voluntary carbon credits. Drawing on the reviewed literature, three key dimensions of corporate climate claims as related to carbon credits are discussed: 1) the intended use of carbon credits: offsetting versus non-offsetting claims; 2) the framing and meaning of headline terms: net-zero versus carbon neutral claims; and 3) the status of the claim: future aspirational commitments versus stated achievements. The paper thereby offers a preliminary categorization of corporate climate claims and discusses risks associated with and governance implications for each of these categories.}, language = {en} } @article{Streck2023, author = {Streck, Charlotte}, title = {Synergies between the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework and the Paris Agreement}, series = {Climate policy}, volume = {23}, journal = {Climate policy}, number = {6}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1469-3062}, doi = {10.1080/14693062.2023.2230940}, pages = {800 -- 811}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The 2022 Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) and Paris Agreement (PA) are highly complementary agreements where each depends on the other's success to be effective. The GBF offers a very specific framework of interim goals and targets that break down the objective of the Convention on Biodiversity (CBD) into a decade-spanning work plan. Comprised of 10 sections - including a 2050 vision and a 2030 mission, four overarching goals and 23 specific targets - the GBF is expected to guide biodiversity policy around the world in the coming years to decades. A similar set of global interim climate policy targets could translate the global temperature goal into concrete policy milestones that would provide policy makers and civil society with reference points for policy making and efforts to hold governments accountable. Beyond inspiring climate policy experts to convert temperature goals into policy milestones, GBF has the potential to strengthen the implementation of the PA at the nexus of biodiversity and climate (adaptation and mitigation) action. For example, the GBF can help to ensure that nature-based climate solutions are implemented with full consideration of biodiversity concerns, of the rights and interests of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, and with fair and transparent benefit sharing arrangements. In sum, the GBF should be mandatory reading for all climate policy makers.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Streck2021, author = {Streck, Charlotte}, title = {From laggards to leaders}, series = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone}, booktitle = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone}, editor = {Barnes, Richard and Long, Ron{\´a}n}, publisher = {Brill Nijhoff}, address = {Leiden}, isbn = {978-90-04-37287-0}, doi = {10.1163/9789004372887_004}, pages = {75 -- 105}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track - the 'Non-state actor zone for global action' (nazca) - that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through 'nationally determined contributions'. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs. However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges. Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.}, language = {en} } @article{RoeStreckBeachetal.2021, author = {Roe, Stephanie and Streck, Charlotte and Beach, Robert and Busch, Jonah and Chapman, Melissa and Daioglou, Vassilis and Deppermann, Andre and Doelman, Jonathan and Emmet-Booth, Jeremy and Engelmann, Jens and Fricko, Oliver and Frischmann, Chad and Funk, Jason and Grassi, Giacomo and Griscom, Bronson and Havlik, Petr and Hanssen, Steef and Humpen{\"o}der, Florian and Landholm, David and Lomax, Guy and Lehmann, Johannes and Mesnildrey, Leah and Nabuurs, Gert-Jan and Popp, Alexander and Rivard, Charlotte and Sanderman, Jonathan and Sohngen, Brent and Smith, Pete and Stehfest, Elke and Woolf, Dominic and Lawrence, Deborah}, title = {Land-based measures to mitigate climate change}, series = {Global change biology}, volume = {27}, journal = {Global change biology}, number = {23}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1365-2486}, doi = {10.1111/gcb.15873}, pages = {6025 -- 6058}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Land-based climate mitigation measures have gained significant attention and importance in public and private sector climate policies. Building on previous studies, we refine and update the mitigation potentials for 20 land-based measures in >200 countries and five regions, comparing "bottom-up" sectoral estimates with integrated assessment models (IAMs). We also assess implementation feasibility at the country level. Cost-effective (available up to \$100/tCO2eq) land-based mitigation is 8-13.8 GtCO2eq yr-1 between 2020 and 2050, with the bottom end of this range representing the IAM median and the upper end representing the sectoral estimate. The cost-effective sectoral estimate is about 40\% of available technical potential and is in line with achieving a 1.5°C pathway in 2050. Compared to technical potentials, cost-effective estimates represent a more realistic and actionable target for policy. The cost-effective potential is approximately 50\% from forests and other ecosystems, 35\% from agriculture, and 15\% from demand-side measures. The potential varies sixfold across the five regions assessed (0.75-4.8 GtCO2eq yr-1) and the top 15 countries account for about 60\% of the global potential. Protection of forests and other ecosystems and demand-side measures present particularly high mitigation efficiency, high provision of co-benefits, and relatively lower costs. The feasibility assessment suggests that governance, economic investment, and socio-cultural conditions influence the likelihood that land-based mitigation potentials are realized. A substantial portion of potential (80\%) is in developing countries and LDCs, where feasibility barriers are of greatest concern. Assisting countries to overcome barriers may result in significant quantities of near-term, low-cost mitigation while locally achieving important climate adaptation and development benefits. Opportunities among countries vary widely depending on types of land-based measures available, their potential co-benefits and risks, and their feasibility. Enhanced investments and country-specific plans that accommodate this complexity are urgently needed to realize the large global potential from improved land stewardship.}, language = {en} } @misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020, author = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack}, publisher = {International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT)}, address = {Den Haag}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @misc{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {What anti-gender and anti-vaccines politics have in common}, publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science}, address = {London}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {The politics of fear}, series = {WIIS Blog}, journal = {WIIS Blog}, address = {Women in International Security}, pages = {Washington DC}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{RothermelAsante2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Asante, Doris}, title = {From victims to activists}, series = {Australian outlook}, journal = {Australian outlook}, publisher = {Australian Institute of International Affairs}, address = {Deakin ACT}, year = {2022}, abstract = {For a long time, women were invisible in the policy responses to political violence and terrorism. Although the introduction of Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) has helped improve the representation of women, there is still a long way to go.}, language = {en} } @misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020, author = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Frauenfeind, aber kein Incel}, series = {Belltower.News}, journal = {Belltower.News}, publisher = {Amadeu Antonio Stiftung}, address = {Berlin}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Attentater von Hanau war, das verr{\"a}t sein Manifest, ein Frauenfeind - aber kein Incel. Warum die Einsch{\"a}tzung als Incel bequem und gef{\"a}hrlich ist, erl{\"a}utert dieser Gastbeitrag der Wissenschaftlerinnen Megan Kelly, Ann-Kathrin Rothermel und Greta Jasser, Fellows am Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS).}, language = {de} } @incollection{M’HamedSprinz2023, author = {M'Hamed, Sonia Chikh and Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {The keys to the EU's climate neutrality goal}, series = {Making the European Green Deal work}, booktitle = {Making the European Green Deal work}, editor = {Dyrhauge, Helene and Kurze, Kristina}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-032-16070-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003246985-6}, pages = {60 -- 75}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The EU and its member countries have been laggards in using forest carbon to reduce EU emissions. The European Green Deal aims to change this. As part of its long-term emissions reductions, the EU aims to offset this by creating land-based carbon sinks, especially forest carbon sinks as well as carbon capture and storage. This chapter focuses on the role of forest carbon as part of the EU's climate policies towards achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. It furthermore examines the European Commission's proposed forest strategy and its proposal for a revised LULUCF Regulation. The chapter shows that the logic of appropriateness dominates the European Commission's forest policies. Finally, the chapter makes policy recommendations on how the EU could credibly use long-term carbon sinks to achieve climate neutrality.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Sprinz2023, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {The challenge of long-term environmental policy}, series = {Routledge handbook of environmental policy}, booktitle = {Routledge handbook of environmental policy}, editor = {J{\"o}rgens, Helge and Knill, Christoph and Steinebach, Yves}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-48992-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003043843-26}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Long-term environmental policy remains a vexing puzzle of environmental policy. Following its definition, the author reviews the methods suitable for the study of long-term environmental policy and develops a typology of policy instruments to cope with these challenges. The concluding section offers five central research challenges to advance the study of long-term environmental policy.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Jann2020, author = {Jann, Werner}, title = {The modern state and administrative reform}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-59}, pages = {59 -- 72}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @incollection{Sprinz2021, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {Effectiveness}, series = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance}, booktitle = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance}, editor = {Morin, Jean-Fr{\´e}d{\´e}ric and Orsini, Amandine}, edition = {Second edition}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-0-367-41869-4}, doi = {10.4324/9780367816681-34}, pages = {80 -- 83}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @incollection{DebielSondermann2024, author = {Debiel, Tobias and Sondermann, Elena}, title = {Entwicklung und internationale Politik}, series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, editor = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33952-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_44}, pages = {1397 -- 1425}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Gut zwei Jahrzehnte nach dem Millenniumsgipfel der Vereinten Nationen bleiben berechtigte Zweifel an der Wirksamkeit von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ). Ist das Politikfeld von den Realit{\"a}ten {\"u}berholt worden? Welchen Beitrag haben Entwicklungstheorien f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung von Entwicklungspolitik leisten k{\"o}nnen? Der Beitrag zieht eine Bilanz, die von der ersten Entwicklungsdekade in den 1960er-Jahren bis zu den Folgen der Covid-19-Pandemie reicht. Er pl{\"a}diert f{\"u}r eine herrschaftskritische Weiterentwicklung des Entwicklungsbegriffs und f{\"u}r eine St{\"a}rkung globaler Kooperation.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Seyfried2021, author = {Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Bundesrechnungshof}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, editor = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard}, edition = {8., {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23665-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_20}, pages = {80 -- 82}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Der Bundesrechnungshof schaut mittlerweile auf eine {\"u}ber 300 j{\"a}hrige Geschichte der Finanzkontrolle zur{\"u}ck (vgl. Engels 2014). Auch wenn Aufgaben und Organisation damaliger Rechenkammern bestenfalls rudiment{\"a}r mit den Einrichtungen moderner Finanzkontrolle vergleichbar sind, so legten sie doch einst deren Grundstein. Heute ist der Bundesrechnungshof eine oberste Bundesbeh{\"o}rde und pr{\"u}ft laut Artikel 114 Abs. 2 GG die „Rechnung sowie die Wirtschaftlichkeit und Ordnungsm{\"a}ßigkeit der Haushalts- und Wirtschaftsf{\"u}hrung des Bundes." Weitere Regelungen f{\"u}r den Bundesrechnungshof finden sich in der Bundeshaushaltsordnung (BHO, hier Teil V Rechnungspr{\"u}fung bis Teil VIII Entlastung, \S\S 88 bis 114) und im Bundesrechnungshofgesetz (BRHG vom 11.07.1985, mit letzter {\"A}nderung vom 05.02.2009).}, language = {de} } @article{ReithSeyfried2020, author = {Reith, Florian and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Qualit{\"a}tsmanagement und das Puffern externer und interner Anforderungen}, series = {Qualit{\"a}t in der Wissenschaft}, volume = {14}, journal = {Qualit{\"a}t in der Wissenschaft}, number = {2}, publisher = {UVW Univ.-Verl. Webler}, address = {Bielefeld}, issn = {1860-3041}, pages = {44 -- 49}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The following article deals with the new-institutionalist concept of buffering. The concept describes in short, how organizations cope with external and internal demands in order to gain or maintain legitimacy. The article applies this approach to quality management in higher education. We argue, that the introduction of quality management is a reaction to external demands to achieve more quality in teaching and learning. Simultaneously, it functions as a buffer for other organizational subunits within the higher education institution and tries to prevent them from becoming overloaded with external demands. Based on interviews from a research project, the article shows, that both quality managers and higher education managers partly perceive quality management as service unit, which prevents the departments from exaggerating external demands.}, language = {de} } @incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020, author = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-169}, pages = {169 -- 180}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{AnsmannSeyfried2020, author = {Ansmann, Moritz and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Zwischen Anspruch und Realit{\"a}t}, series = {HDS.Journal}, volume = {2020}, journal = {HDS.Journal}, number = {1}, publisher = {Hochschuldidaktisches Zentrum Sachsen (HDS)}, address = {Leipzig}, issn = {2195-0334}, pages = {6 -- 11}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Eine evidenzbasierte Gestaltung von Studium und Lehre, wie sie heute normativ eingefordert wird, bedarf des integrierten Zusammenwirkens von Qualit{\"a}tsmanagement und Hochschuldidaktik - aber gibt es dieses in der Praxis? Mit Blick auf die allgemeine Befundlage, aber auch anhand einer eigenen empirischen Untersuchung zeigt der Beitrag diesbez{\"u}glich auf, dass Qualit{\"a}tsmanagement und Hochschuldidaktik als weitgehend desintegrierte Funktionsbereiche wahrgenommen werden und Evidenzbasierung in der Praxis folglich keinen sehr hohen Stellenwert genießt. Ausgehend von einer Ursachenanalyse wird auf die dysfunktionalen, aber auch auf die funktionalen Auswirkungen dieser Separierung aufmerksam gemacht.}, language = {de} } @incollection{AngermannBinzKarawathetal.2022, author = {Angermann, Eric and Binz, Sarah and Karawath, Leonie and M{\"u}ller, Yves}, title = {Editorial: das Schicksal, Sisyphus zu sein}, series = {Schwerpunkt: Der Antifaschismus seit 1945}, booktitle = {Schwerpunkt: Der Antifaschismus seit 1945}, editor = {Daldrup, Maria and Uellenberg-van Dawen, Wolfgang and Maier, Martin G.}, publisher = {Metropol}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-86331-675-4}, pages = {7 -- 25}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @misc{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Werner}, title = {Rechts nur noch die Wand?}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.17176/20230207-233109-0}, pages = {4}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @misc{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Werner}, title = {Die Macht der Sonntagsfrage}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.17176/20231222-111226-0}, pages = {7}, year = {2023}, abstract = {F{\"u}r das Jahr 2024 sind entscheidende Wahlen geplant - unter ihnen die US-Pr{\"a}sidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zum Europ{\"a}ischen Parlament. In Deutschland werden in Brandenburg, Sachsen und Th{\"u}ringen die Landtage gew{\"a}hlt. Wahlumfragen, insbesondere die Sonntagsfrage, sind zu einem integralen Bestandteil von Wahlk{\"a}mpfen geworden; gleichzeitig steht auch deren Zuverl{\"a}ssigkeit im Zentrum medialer Aufmerksamkeit. Eine Debatte {\"u}ber die Kommunikation und Darstellung von Meinungsumfragen ist in Deutschland dringend notwendig. Eine bindende Selbstverpflichtung der Umfrageinstitute und Medienh{\"a}user w{\"a}re eine vielversprechende L{\"o}sung.}, language = {de} } @misc{MatsunagaKrause2023, author = {Matsunaga, Miku and Krause, Werner}, title = {Right-wing violence and the persistence of far-right popularity}, series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, journal = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research}, address = {Colchester}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Miku Matsunaga and Werner Krause reveal how voters who support radical-right parties are sticking by them, despite the current upsurge in right-wing violence. Their findings raise crucial concerns about the broader ramifications of growing far-right movements across the globe}, language = {en} } @misc{KrauseGahn2024, author = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina}, title = {How powerful are polls in influencing election outcomes?}, series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, journal = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research}, address = {Colchester}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Werner Krause and Christina Gahn argue that we need to pay more attention to how the media communicates the results of opinion polls to the public. Reporting methodological details, such as margins of error, can alter citizens' vote choices on election day. This has important implications for elections around the world}, language = {en} } @techreport{SchwabKrauseMassoud2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Schwab, Regine and Krause, Werner and Massoud, Samer}, title = {The bombing of hospitals and local violence dynamics in civil wars}, series = {HiCN Working paper}, volume = {403}, journal = {HiCN Working paper}, publisher = {Households in Conflict Network}, address = {Berlin}, pages = {89}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The impact of civilian harm on strategic outcomes in war has been the subject of persistent debate. However, the literature has primarily focused on civilian casualties, thereby overlooking the targeting of civilian infrastructure, which is a recurrent phenomenon during war. This study fills this gap by examining the targeting of healthcare, one of the most indispensable infrastructures during war and peace time. We contend that attacks on medical facilities are distinct from direct violence against civilians. Because they are typically unrelated to military dynamics, the targeting of hospitals is a highly visible form and powerful signal of civilian victimization. To assess its effects, we analyze newly collected data on such attacks by pro-government forces and event data on combat activities in Northwest Syria (2017-2020). Applying a new approach for panel data analysis that combines matching methods with a difference-in-differences estimation, we examine the causal effect of counterinsurgent bombings on subsequent violent events. Distinguishing between regime-initiated and insurgent-initiated combat activities and their associated fatalities, we find that the targeting of hospitals increases insurgent violence. We supplement the quantitative analysis with unique qualitative evidence derived from interviews, which demonstrates that hospital bombings induce rebels to resist more fiercely through two mechanisms: intrinsic motivations and civilian pressure. The results have important implications for the effects of state-led violence and the strength of legal norms that protect noncombatants.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HerschingerRenner2024, author = {Herschinger, Eva and Renner, Judith}, title = {Diskursforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, editor = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo}, edition = {3., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33952-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_15}, pages = {375 -- 399}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Diskursive Perspektiven auf internationale Politik haben in den vergangenen Jahren an Relevanz und Popularit{\"a}t gewonnen. Der vorliegende Beitrag gibt zun{\"a}chst einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber verschiedene Spielarten diskursiver Ans{\"a}tze in den Internationalen Beziehungen, um sich dann vor allem poststrukturalistisch inspirierten Diskursarbeiten zu widmen. Poststrukturalistische Ans{\"a}tze, so argumentieren wir, sind besonders interessant f{\"u}r die Disziplin der IB, da sie vier spezifische Gewinne bieten: Erstens erlauben sie eine kritische Perspektive auf Fragen internationaler Politik, zweitens hilft eine poststrukturalistische Perspektive dabei, den oft {\"u}bersehenen politischen Charakter sozialer Realit{\"a}t herauszustellen, drittens halten sie dazu an, die eigene Sichtweise des/der Forschenden zu reflektieren und viertens erlaubt es eine poststrukturalistische Vorgehensweise mit ihrem Fokus auf „Wie-m{\"o}glich-Fragen", eine alternative analytische Perspektive zu dominanten erkl{\"a}renden Ans{\"a}tzen einzunehmen.}, language = {de} } @article{ThielePruin2021, author = {Thiele, Lukas and Pruin, Andree}, title = {Does large-scale digital collaboration contribute to crisis management?}, series = {der moderne staat - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management}, volume = {14}, journal = {der moderne staat - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management}, number = {2-2021}, publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {1865-7192}, doi = {10.3224/dms.v14i2.07}, pages = {334 -- 350}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In recent years, collaborative approaches to crisis management involving citizens have gained increasing attention. One example is the \#WirVsVirus hackathon, which was conducted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and had over 28,000 participants. Because research on large-scale, digital collaboration in crisis situations is scarce, consequences of their use in crisis management remain unclear. This article relies on the open governance paradigm as a lens for studying two projects emerging from the hackathon. Based on nine qualitative expert interviews, we ask how digital open governance affects governance capacity and legitimacy in crisis management. Our findings suggest that digital open governance can contribute to governance capacity and legitimacy, as it mobilises large, diverse groups of citizens to quickly develop citizen-centric, ready-to-use solutions for crisisrelated problems. However, we also identified potential problems, including risks regarding legitimacy and accountability, difficulties with scalable solutions, and questionable long-term impacts.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Pruin2022, author = {Pruin, Andree}, title = {How organizational factors shape e-participation}, series = {Engaging citizens in policy making : e-participation practices in Europe}, booktitle = {Engaging citizens in policy making : e-participation practices in Europe}, editor = {Randma-Liiv, Tiina and Lember, Veiko}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA}, isbn = {9781800374362}, doi = {10.4337/9781800374362.00022}, pages = {209 -- 224}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{CohenKrauseAbouChadi2024, author = {Cohen, Denis and Krause, Werner and Abou-Chadi, Tarik}, title = {Comparative vote switching}, series = {The journal of politics}, volume = {86}, journal = {The journal of politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {University of Chicago Press}, address = {Chicago, IL}, issn = {0022-3816}, doi = {10.1086/726952}, pages = {597 -- 607}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties' policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change.}, language = {en} } @article{KrauseGahn2023, author = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina}, title = {Should we include margins of error in public opinion polls?}, series = {European journal of political research}, volume = {Early view}, journal = {European journal of political research}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12633}, pages = {26}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Public opinion polls have become vital and increasingly visible parts of election campaigns. Previous research has frequently demonstrated that polls can influence both citizens' voting intentions and political parties' campaign strategies. However, they are also fraught with uncertainty. Margins of error can reflect (parts of) this uncertainty. This paper investigates how citizens' voting intentions change due to whether polling estimates are presented with or without margins of error. Using a vignette experiment (N=3224), we examine this question based on a real-world example in which different election polls were shown to nationally representative respondents ahead of the 2021 federal election in Germany. We manipulated the display of the margins of error, the interpretation of polls and the closeness of the electoral race. The results indicate that margins of error can influence citizens' voting intentions. This effect is dependent on the actual closeness of the race and additional interpretative guidance provided to voters. More concretely, the results consistently show that margins of error increase citizens' inclination to vote for one of the two largest contesting parties if the polling gap between these parties is small, and an interpretation underlines this closeness. The findings of this study are important for three reasons. First, they help to determine whether margins of error can assist citizens in making more informed (strategic) vote decisions. They shed light on whether depicting opinion-poll uncertainty affects the key features of representative democracy, such as democratic accountability. Second, the results stress the responsibility of the media. The way polls are interpreted and contextualized influences the effect of margins of error on voting behaviour. Third, the findings of this paper underscore the significance of including methodological details when communicating scientific research findings to the broader public.}, language = {en} } @book{BogumilKuhlmannHeubergeretal.2022, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz and Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {B{\"u}rgernahe Verwaltung digital? I-Kfz und digitaler Kombiantrag}, series = {FES Diskurs}, journal = {FES Diskurs}, publisher = {Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-98628-187-8}, pages = {39}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @incollection{Marienfeldt2024, author = {Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {Digitalisierung und Automatisierung in der Sachbearbeitung}, series = {Handbuch Digitalisierung in Staat und Verwaltung}, booktitle = {Handbuch Digitalisierung in Staat und Verwaltung}, editor = {Klenk, Tanja and Nullmeier, Frank and Wewer, G{\"o}ttrik}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23669-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23669-4_89-1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Die Nutzung von Informations- und Kommunikationstechnik (IKT), Fachverfahren und die Automatisierung von Prozessen ver{\"a}ndern die Sachbearbeitung und Leistungserstellung in der Verwaltung und somit die T{\"a}tigkeiten, Arbeitsbedingungen und Personalstrukturen. Bei der Antragsbearbeitung und Bescheiderstellung in der Ordnungs- und Leistungsverwaltung erh{\"a}lt IKT nicht nur eine unterst{\"u}tzende, sondern zunehmend auch eine leitende oder entscheidende Rolle. Abh{\"a}ngig von der konkreten Ausgestaltung kann die fortschreitende Digitalisierung eine ganzheitliche Sachbearbeitung erm{\"o}glichen, aber auch einschr{\"a}nken. Insgesamt kann sie zu einer Neuordnung des Berufsfeldes {\"o}ffentlicher Dienst f{\"u}hren.}, language = {de} } @article{Marienfeldt2024, author = {Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {Does digital government hollow out the essence of street-level bureaucracy?}, series = {Social policy \& administration}, journal = {Social policy \& administration}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0144-5596}, doi = {10.1111/spol.12991}, pages = {1 -- 25}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The growing use of digital tools in policy implementation has altered the work of street-level bureaucrats who are granted substantial discretionary power in decision-making. Digital tools can constrain discretionary power, like the curtailment thesis proposed, or serve as action resources, like the enablement thesis suggested. This article assesses empirical evidence of the impact of digital tools on street-level work and decision-making in service-oriented and regulation-oriented organisations based on a systematic literature review and thematic qualitative content analysis of 36 empirical studies published until 2021. The findings demonstrate different effects with regard to the role of digital tools and the core tasks of the public administration, depending on political and managerial goals and consequent system design. Leading or decisive digital tools mostly curtail discretion, especially in service-oriented organisations. In contrast, an enhanced information base or recommendations for actions enable decision-making, in particular in regulation-oriented organisations. By showing how street-level bureaucrats actively try to resist the curtailing effects caused by rigid design to address individual circumstances, for instance by establishing ways of coping like rule bending or rule breaking, using personal resources or prioritising among clients, this study demonstrates the importance of the continuation thesis and the persistently crucial role of human judgement in policy implementation.}, language = {en} } @article{RuppelLeib2022, author = {Ruppel, Samantha and Leib, Julia}, title = {Same but different}, series = {Peacebuilding}, volume = {10}, journal = {Peacebuilding}, number = {4}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London}, issn = {2164-7259}, doi = {10.1080/21647259.2022.2027152}, pages = {470 -- 505}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The peace processes in Liberia and Sierra Leone share similar contexts and have an interrelated history. They are also often portrayed as successful cases of peacebuilding. This conclusion seems valid, as war has not returned, and political power was handed over peacefully; however, both cases differ with regard to the inclusiveness of the peace processes and the role of local leaders. This article aims to add to the critical peacebuilding debate by focusing on local perceptions about the position of local leaders in these two peace processes. We conducted a public opinion survey in five regions in Sierra Leone and Liberia and expert interviews with peacebuilding actors to examine changing perceptions about the roles of local leaders in both countries. This article speaks to the broader peacebuilding debate by highlighting the importance of including local voices in the peace process and by discussing challenges of inclusive peacebuilding.}, language = {en} } @article{Leib2022, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {How justice becomes part of the deal}, series = {International journal of transitional justice}, volume = {16}, journal = {International journal of transitional justice}, number = {3}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1752-7716}, doi = {10.1093/ijtj/ijac015}, pages = {439 -- 457}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In which negotiation contexts are transitional justice provisions included in peace agreements? Today, many peace agreements include transitional justice provisions, but their inclusion differs based on conflict and negotiation characteristics. While context thus seems to be relevant for the choice of transitional justice provisions agreed on by the warring parties, very little is known about the context clusters that enable transitional justice. Using data on 58 full peace agreements signed between 1989 and 2018, a crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) investigates the combinations of conflict intensity, rebel group strength, type of conflict, third-party support and civil society participation that led to the inclusion of transitional justice provisions. The result of this exploratory study suggests four context settings that are identified as being empirically relevant for the inclusion of transitional justice provisions. Choices of justice are thus the result of an overall negotiation environment characterized by multiple interrelated context factors.}, language = {en} } @book{Haenel2024, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte}, title = {Epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten}, publisher = {De Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-11-075973-0}, doi = {10.1515/9783110759792}, pages = {X, 241}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Wem wird geglaubt und wem nicht? Wessen Wissen wird weitergegeben und wessen nicht? Wer hat eine Stimme und wer nicht? Theorien der epistemischen Ungerechtigkeit befassen sich mit dem breiten Feld der ungerechten oder unfairen Behandlung, die mit Fragen des Wissens, Verstehens und Kommunizierens zusammenh{\"a}ngen, wie z.B. die M{\"o}glichkeit, vom Wissen oder von kommunikativen Praktiken ausgeschlossen zu werden oder zum Schweigen gebracht zu werden, aber auch Kontexte, in denen die Bedeutungen mancher systematisch verzerrt oder falsch geh{\"o}rt und falsch dargestellt werden, in denen manchen misstraut wird oder es an epistemischer Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit mangelt. In diesem Buch wird eine {\"U}bersicht {\"u}ber die breite Debatte epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit, epistemischer Unterdr{\"u}ckung und epistemischer Gewalt gegeben, in dem unterschiedliche Theorien, die sich auf der Schnittstelle von Gerechtigkeitstheorie und epistemischen Fragen befinden, systematisch und kritisch diskutiert sowie theoretische Vorg{\"a}nger dieser Theorien beleuchtet werden.}, language = {de} } @misc{Haenel2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte}, title = {Von der Relevanz, den akademischen Elfenbeinturm zu verlassen}, series = {Deutsche Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Philosophie}, volume = {70}, journal = {Deutsche Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Philosophie}, number = {3}, publisher = {De Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0012-1045}, doi = {10.1515/dzph-2022-0036}, pages = {540 -- 550}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Reviewed Publications: Garcia Manon. Wir werden nicht unterw{\"u}rfig geboren. Wie das Patriarchat das Leben von Frauen bestimmt. Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2021, 235 S. Hay Carol. Think like a Feminist. The Philosophy behind the Revolution. New York: W. W. Norton \& Company, 2020, 222 S. Manne Kate. Entitled. How Male Privilege Hurts Women. London: Allen Lane, 2020, 270 S. Srinivasan Amia. The Right to Sex. London: Bloomsbury, 2021, 279 S.}, language = {de} } @incollection{BloiseIhle2024, author = {Bloise, Jennifer and Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Speziesismus in den (sozialen) Medien}, series = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung}, booktitle = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung}, editor = {Hoiß, Christian and Schluchter, Jan-Ren{\´e}}, publisher = {kopaed}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, isbn = {978-3-96848-108-1}, pages = {15 -- 31}, year = {2024}, language = {de} } @incollection{IhleCarl2024, author = {Ihle, Sebastian and Carl, Kea}, title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im (Politik-) Unterricht}, series = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, booktitle = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42652-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42653-8_5}, pages = {69 -- 88}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der vorliegende Beitrag, der sich weniger als Fachbeitrag, sondern vielmehr als Erfahrungsbericht aus der Praxis versteht, berichtet von unterschiedlichen Versuchen, die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in den schulischen Kontext einzubringen und somit der unzureichenden Beachtung der Thematik entgegenzuwirken. Nachdem {\"u}berblicksartig die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik herausgestellt und auf diese Weise die Notwendigkeit einer unterrichtlichen Besch{\"a}ftigung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Menschen und anderen Tieren begr{\"u}ndet wird, wird zun{\"a}chst von einem ersten Versuch berichtet, (angehende) Lehrkr{\"a}fte im Rahmen eines Workshops am Studienseminar Potsdam f{\"u}r die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik zu sensibilisieren sowie {\"u}ber eine m{\"o}gliche Umsetzung in den verschiedenen Unterrichtsf{\"a}chern zu informieren. Anschließend werden - exemplarisch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht - zwei Unterrichtsstunden, die die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung auf verschiedene Weise in den Politikunterricht einbeziehen, sowie die im Rahmen der Durchf{\"u}hrung gesammelten Erfahrungen vorgestellt.}, language = {de} } @article{HaenelSchuppert2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C. and Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Was ist Geschlechtergerechtigkeit?}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.13}, pages = {315 -- 328}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In Decolonizing Universalism: A Transnational Feminist Ethic zielt Serene Khader auf eine Neuausrichtung der feministischen Perspektive, welche es schafft, dekolonial und anti-imperialistisch zu sein, ohne gleichzeitig dem Universalismus komplett abzuschw{\"o}ren. Die Motivation hinter dieser Neuorientierung ist die Einsicht, dass der liberale moralische Universalismus oftmals kulturelle Vorherrschaft und Imperialismus verst{\"a}rkt. In diesem Kommentar wollen wir (a) uns mit der Frage besch{\"a}ftigen, was genau unter Geschlechtergerechtigkeit verstanden werden soll und welcher Maßstab zur Beantwortung der Frage nach Gerechtigkeit angebracht ist und (b) einige Ideen zum Unterschied zwischen idealer und nicht-idealer Theorie liefern.}, language = {de} } @article{HaenelHaslangerKroeger2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C. and Haslanger, Sally and Kroeger, Odin}, title = {Analyzing social wrongs}, series = {Journal of social philosophy}, volume = {53}, journal = {Journal of social philosophy}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {0047-2786}, doi = {10.1111/josp.12505}, pages = {448 -- 453}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2024, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Willful testimonial injustice as a form of epistemic injustice}, series = {European journal of philosophy}, journal = {European journal of philosophy}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0966-8373}, doi = {10.1111/ejop.12928}, pages = {1 -- 19}, year = {2024}, abstract = {In the debate on epistemic injustice, it is generally assumed that testimonial injustice as one form of epistemic injustice cannot be committed (fully) deliberately or intentionally because it involves unconscious identity prejudices. Drawing on the case of sexual violence against refugees in European refugee camps, this paper argues that there is a form of testimonial injustice—willful testimonial injustice—that is deliberate. To do so, the paper argues (a) that the hearer intentionally utilizes negative identity prejudices for a particular purpose and (b) that the hearer is aware of the fact that the intentionally used prejudices are in fact prejudices. Furthermore, the paper shows how testimonial injustice relates to recognition failures both in terms of a causal as well as a constitutive claim. In fact, introducing willful testimonial injustice can support the constitutive claim of such a relation that has so far received little attention. Besides arguing for a novel form of testimonial injustice and contributing to the recent debate on the relation between epistemic injustice and recognition failures, this paper is also motivated by the attempt to draw attention to the inhumane conditions for refugees at the border of Europe as well as elsewhere.}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {(Moralisch) guter Sex}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Praktische Philosophie}, number = {2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.2.2}, pages = {49 -- 78}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In einem k{\"u}rzlich erschienenen Artikel argumentiert Almut v. Wedelstaedt {\"u}berzeugend, warum Zustimmung zwar „die Bedingung f{\"u}r die Legitimation von Sex" ist (2020, 127), dass die moralische G{\"u}te von Sex aber nur dann einzusch{\"a}tzen ist, wenn wir darauf achten, ob die Beteiligten der Handlung sich auf Augenh{\"o}he begegnen. Die Idee ist: Es gibt legitime sexuelle Handlungen, die moralisch gut sind, und es gibt legitime sexuelle Handlungen, die moralisch besser sind. Hier m{\"o}chte ich die Idee des besseren Sexes genauer ausloten. W{\"a}hrend v. Wedelstaedt von moralisch gelungenem Sex spricht und somit auf der Ebene der moralischen Bewertung von Sex bleibt, m{\"o}chte ich die Frage danach stellen, was Sex qualitativ gut macht. Tats{\"a}chlich wird in der Zustimmungsdebatte meist davon ausgegangen, dass diese zwei Fragen wenig gemeinsam haben; ob eine sexuelle Handlung legitim ist, hat zun{\"a}chst nichts damit zu tun, ob diese auch gut ist. Ich werde drei Argumente liefern, warum wir legitimen Sex und qualitativ guten Sex zusammen betrachten sollten - und es wird sich zeigen, dass die gegenw{\"a}rtige philosophische und rechtstheoretische Debatte Zustimmung verk{\"u}rzt diskutiert und daher alleingenommen wenig hilfreich ist, stattdessen ben{\"o}tigt die Zustimmungsdebatte auch eine Untersuchung von qualitativ gutem Sex.}, language = {de} } @article{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Germany's silence: testimonial injustice in the NSU investigation and willful ignorance in the NSU trial}, series = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, journal = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1351-0487}, doi = {10.1111/1467-8675.12703}, pages = {1 -- 16}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2021, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {The intricacies of ideology and ignorance}, series = {Social epistemology review \& reply collective : SERRC}, volume = {10}, journal = {Social epistemology review \& reply collective : SERRC}, number = {7}, publisher = {Social epistemology review \& reply collective}, address = {[Erscheinungsort nicht ermittelbar]}, issn = {2471-9560}, pages = {58 -- 62}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @incollection{Haenel2021, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Epistemic injustice and recognition theory: what we owe to refugees}, series = {Migration, recognition and critical theory}, volume = {21}, booktitle = {Migration, recognition and critical theory}, editor = {Schweiger, Gottfried}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-72731-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-72732-1_12}, pages = {257 -- 282}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This paper starts from the premise that Western states are connected to some of the harms refugees suffer from. It specifically focuses on the harm of acts of misrecognition and its relation to epistemic injustice that refugees suffer from in refugee camps, in detention centers, and during their desperate attempts to find refuge. The paper discusses the relation between hermeneutical injustice and acts of misrecognition, showing that these two phenomena are interconnected and that acts of misrecognition are particularly damaging when (a) they stretch over different contexts, leaving us without or with very few safe spaces, and (b) they dislocate us, leaving us without a community to turn to. The paper then considers the ways in which refugees experience acts of misrecognition and suffer from hermeneutical injustice, using the case of unaccompanied children at the well-known and overcrowded camp Moria in Greece, the case of unsafe detention centers in Libya, and the case of the denial to assistance on the Mediterranean and the resulting pushbacks from international waters to Libya as well as the preventable drowning of refugees in the Mediterranean to illustrate the arguments. Finally, the paper argues for specific duties toward refugees that result from the prior arguments on misrecognition and hermeneutical injustice.}, language = {en} } @article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021, author = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen}, title = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector}, series = {Der moderne Staat}, volume = {14}, journal = {Der moderne Staat}, number = {1}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {1865-7192}, doi = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13}, pages = {3 -- 23}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021, author = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian}, title = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view}, series = {The future of local self-government}, booktitle = {The future of local self-government}, editor = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-56058-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9}, pages = {115 -- 130}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten zwischen Medizin und Technik}, series = {Medizin - Technik - Ethik}, volume = {5}, booktitle = {Medizin - Technik - Ethik}, editor = {Loh, Janina and Grote, Thomas}, publisher = {J.B. Metzler}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-662-65867-3}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-662-65868-0_5}, pages = {87 -- 106}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Nicht erst seit Covid-19 sind die Wissens- und Kommunikationsl{\"u}cken sowie die Hierarchie zwischen {\"A}rzt*innen und Patient*innen offensichtlich. Zus{\"a}tzlich befinden sich kranke Menschen sowohl aufgrund ihrer Krankheit als auch aufgrund ihrer Abh{\"a}ngigkeit vom Gesundheitswesen in einer besonders verletzlichen Lage; Patient*innen sind ein paradigmatisches Beispiel f{\"u}r fragile epistemische Subjekte. Im vorliegenden Text wird zun{\"a}chst skizziert inwieweit Patient*innen fragile epistemische Subjekte sind und welche Formen testimonialer und hermeneutischer Ungerechtigkeit im Gesundheitswesen besonders zum Tragen kommen. Danach wird ein besonderes Augenmerk auf die Idee gelegt, dass sogenannte „pathozentrische epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten" durch bestimmte theoretische Vorstellungen von Gesundheit untermauert und reproduziert werden. Hierbei soll schlussendlich untersucht werden, inwieweit dieses Problem durch technische Mittel in der Medizin verst{\"a}rkt oder geschw{\"a}cht werden kann; so reproduzieren Algorithmen beispielsweise die vorhandenen Vorstellungen und Praktiken.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Behinderung als soziale Kategorie im Kontext epistemischer Ungerechtigkeiten, Ignoranz und Abh{\"a}ngigkeit}, series = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, booktitle = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, editor = {Schleidgen, Sebastian and Friedrich, Orsolya and Wolkenstein, Andreas}, publisher = {Tectum}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8288-4660-9}, doi = {10.5771/9783828877368-153}, pages = {153 -- 182}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Haenel2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Potentially disabled?}, series = {Inquiry}, journal = {Inquiry}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-174X}, doi = {10.1080/0020174X.2022.2136753}, pages = {1 -- 26}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Ten years ago, I was diagnosed with a rare illness called Myasthenia Gravis. Myasthenia Gravis is a long-term neuromuscular autoimmune disease where antibodies block or destroy specific receptors at the junction between nerve and muscle; hence, nerve impulses fail to trigger muscle contractions. The disease leads to varying degrees of muscle weakness. Currently, I have only minor symptoms, I am not seriously impaired, and I do not suffer from any social disadvantage because of my illness. Yet, my life and my body since my diagnosis feel different than before. In this paper I aim to make this feeling intelligible and propose that it is a state of what I call 'latent impairment'. Latent impairment is a state of being 'in between', different from being actually impaired and also different from being abled-bodied. The theory takes its cues both from social constructionist theories of disability as well as theories of (chronic) illness and their focus on the importance of subjectivity. Furthermore, I suggest that a phenomenological understanding of latent impairment can show possible ways of becoming an ally to the DRM.}, language = {en} } @article{WeaverHeinzelJorgensenetal.2022, author = {Weaver, Catherine and Heinzel, Mirko and Jorgensen, Samantha and Flores, Joseph}, title = {Bureaucratic representation in the IMF and the World Bank}, series = {Global perspectives}, volume = {3}, journal = {Global perspectives}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland, CA}, issn = {2575-7350}, doi = {10.1525/gp.2022.39684}, pages = {18}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The legitimacy and effectiveness of international organizations are often linked directly to issues of representation—not only on their high-level governing boards and in top leadership but also within their staff. This article explores two key questions of bureaucratic representation in the critical cases of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. First, we seek to unpack three essential dimensions of staff representation—nationality, education, and gender—to explain how representation may matter for international organizations. Second, we aim to describe the multiple dimensions of representation in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank over the past twenty years by deploying a novel dataset on staff demographics, focusing on ranks with decision-making authority within the institutions. Our descriptive analysis reveals that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have made considerable efforts to diversify their bureaucracies. Nonetheless, representation remains uneven; for example, nationals from middle- and low-income countries, women, and staff without economics degrees from prominent US- or UK-based universities are less present in key leadership positions. These results may be well explained by the particular needs of the institutions' technical mandates and limits in the supply of qualified staff and, as such, need not be seen as suboptimal. Nonetheless, perceived imbalances in representation may continue to pose external legitimation and operational challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in a complex political environment where such multidimensional representation is important to sustaining the buy-in of donor and borrower countries alike. To this end, we recommend that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enhance their diversity and inclusion efforts by increasing transparency via reporting disaggregated data on workforce composition and introducing annual requirements to publish progress reports with management feedback to strengthen internal and external accountability.}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Einleitung: Epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg, Zentrum f{\"u}r Ethik und Armutsforschung}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.5}, pages = {141 -- 154}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Die Debatte um epistemische Ungerechtigkeit verbindet normative Gerechtigkeitstheorien mit erkenntnistheoretischen Theorien und stellt somit die Art von wichtigen Fragen, die in den letzten Jahren sowohl innerhalb als auch außerhalb der Wissenschaft internationale Aufmerksamkeit erfahren haben. Verwiesen sei hier etwa auf soziale Bewegungen wie \#MeToo und \#BlackLivesMatter zeigen. Theorien der epistemischen Ungerechtigkeit (sowie verwandte Theorien wie Epistemologie des Unwissens, feministische Erkenntnistheorie und Standpunkttheorie) k{\"o}nnen sowohl epistemische Praktiken analysieren und einen Beitrag zu Gerechtigkeitstheorien und sozialer Epistemologie liefern, als auch zu ad{\"a}quateren Verst{\"a}ndnissen von existierenden Ungerechtigkeiten beitragen. In dem hier vorliegenden Schwerpunkt werden Beitr{\"a}ge zu eben solchen bislang wenig erforschten Ungerechtigkeiten sowie neue Diskussionsbeitr{\"a}ge zur Debatte um epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten geliefert.}, language = {de} } @article{Heinzel2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko}, title = {Divided loyalties?}, series = {Governance}, volume = {35}, journal = {Governance}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12650}, pages = {1183 -- 1203}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Many operational International Organizations (IOs) rely on national staff when implementing projects in member states. However, fears persist that the loyalties of national IO staff may be divided when working in their home countries. The article studies differences in more than 50,000 procurement decisions taken in 1729 projects overseen by World Bank staff working as expatriates or in their home countries. The empirical results show that when staff work in their home countries, national suppliers' probability of winning procurement contracts increases. However, these increases are not driven by restricted procurement processes—that exclude competition—which are often seen as red flags for corruption. Instead, restricted procurement processes seem to be less likely when staff work in their home countries. These findings imply that national IO staff use their country-specific knowledge to increase the development effectiveness of procurement in line with the mandate of the World Bank.}, language = {en} } @article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021, author = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias}, title = {The social construction of global health priorities}, series = {International studies quarterly}, volume = {66}, journal = {International studies quarterly}, number = {1}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0020-8833}, doi = {10.1093/isq/sqab092}, pages = {15}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.}, language = {en} } @article{HeinzelKoenigArchibugi2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias}, title = {Harmful side effects}, series = {British journal of political science}, volume = {53}, journal = {British journal of political science}, number = {4}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0007-1234}, doi = {10.1017/S0007123422000564}, pages = {1293 -- 1310}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Governments have increasingly adopted laws restricting the activities of international non-governmental organizations INGOs within their borders. Such laws are often intended to curb the ability of critical INGOs to discover and communicate government failures and abuses to domestic and international audiences. They can also have the unintended effect of reducing the presence and activities of INGOs working on health issues, and depriving local health workers and organizations of access to resources, knowledge and other forms of support. This study assesses whether legislative restrictions on INGOs are associated with fewer health INGOs in a wide range of countries and with the ability of those countries to mitigate disability-adjusted life years lost because of twenty-one disease categories between 1993 and 2017. The findings indicate that restrictive legislation hampered efforts by civil society to lighten the global burden of disease and had adverse side effects on the health of citizens worldwide.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Franzke2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Das Zusammenwirken der Ortsbeir{\"a}te mit der Stadtverwaltung und der Stadtverordnetenversammlung}, editor = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam, Oberb{\"u}rgermeister}, publisher = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {27}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @techreport{Franzke2022, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {„Brandenburger St{\"a}dte und Gemeinden in der Lausitz. Transformationsherausforderungen und Anpassungsstrategien an den regionalen Strukturwandel"}, editor = {Fraktion B{\"U}NDNIS 90/DIE GR{\"U}NEN,}, publisher = {Fraktion B{\"U}NDNIS 90/DIE GR{\"U}NEN}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {62}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Seit zwei Jahren arbeiten die Werkst{\"a}tten der Wirtschaftsregion Lausitz an der Projektauswahl und -qualifizierung f{\"u}r die Strukturst{\"a}rkungsmittel. Wir haben uns gefragt: Wie geht es Vertreter*innen aus Lausitzer St{\"a}dten und Gemeinden auf diesem Neuland? Was brauchen sie, um der zentralen Rolle gerecht zu werden, die das Strukturst{\"a}rkungsgesetz f{\"u}r sie vorgesehen hat? Und wo k{\"o}nnen wir als politische Vertreter*innen aktiv werden, um Hindernisse aus dem Weg zu r{\"a}umen? Daf{\"u}r ist Prof. Dr. Franzke in den letzten Monaten mit Lausitzer*innen ins Gespr{\"a}ch gekommen. Der vorliegende Bericht soll - als Momentaufnahme - erste Antworten liefern. Wir stehen am Anfang eines langandauernden Transformationsprozesses. Auf manche Fragen gibt es noch keine Antworten und auf andere wird sich die Antwort im Laufe der Zeit wom{\"o}glich {\"a}ndern. Das ist auch in Ordnung. Denn in einem sich stetig wandelnden Prozess lernen wir, mit sich stetig wandelnden Antworten zu leben.}, language = {de} } @article{HartmannLangArneth2023, author = {Hartmann, Eddie and Lang, Felix and Arneth, Sabrina}, title = {Eskalation in Tweets}, series = {Schriftenreihe der Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, volume = {11043}, journal = {Schriftenreihe der Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-1043-3}, pages = {108 -- 118}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke2020, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.}, series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, volume = {14}, journal = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, issn = {1899-6256}, doi = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21}, pages = {325 -- 342}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Land Brandenburg}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, editor = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23665-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_72}, pages = {518 -- 525}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Das {\"u}ber 860 Jahre alte deutsche Land BB liegt im Nordosten Ds zwischen Elbe und Oder. Es umschließt die Bundeshauptstadt BE, die als Einheitsgemeinde zugleich ein eigenes Land bildet. Potsdam als Landeshauptstadt ist mit 176.000 E. die gr{\"o}ßte Stadt in BB. Mit 29.482 qkm (8,3 \% von D) z{\"a}hlt die Mark zu den fl{\"a}chenreichsten Bundesl{\"a}ndern.}, language = {de} } @incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic}, series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire}, booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire}, publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur}, address = {Antony}, isbn = {9782281134964}, pages = {257 -- 272}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @incollection{Franzke2022, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {German local authorities in the COVID-19 pandemic}, series = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic}, booktitle = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic}, editor = {Nunes Silva, Carlos}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-91111-9}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-91112-6_6}, pages = {131 -- 154}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This study evaluates the challenges, institutional impacts and responses of German local authorities to the COVID-19 pandemic from a political science point of view. The main research question is how they have contributed to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to what extent the strengths and weaknesses of the German model of municipal autonomy have influenced their policy. It analyses the adaptation strategies of German local authorities and assesses the effectiveness of their actions up to now. Their implementation is then evaluated in five selected issues, e.g. adjustment organization and staff, challenges for local finances, local politics and citizen's participation. This analysis is reflecting the scientific debate in Germany since the beginning of 2020, based on the available analyses of political science, law, economics, sociology and geography until end of March 2021.}, language = {en} } @techreport{DebreSommerer2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {Weathering the storm?}, series = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations}, journal = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations}, publisher = {UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation}, address = {La Jolla, CA}, pages = {38}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Democratization scholars are currently debating if we are indeed witnessing a third wave of autocratization. While this has led to an extensive debate about the future of the liberal international order, we still know relatively little about the consequences of autocratization for international organizations (IOs). In this article, we explore to what extent autocratization has led to changes in the composition of IO membership. We propose three different ways of conceptualizing autocratization of IO membership. We argue that we should move away from a dichotomous understanding of regime type and regime change, but rather focus on composition of subregime types to understand current developments. We build on updated membership data for 73 IOs through 2020 to map membership configurations based on the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index. Contrary to current debates on the crisis of the liberal order, we find that many IOs are not (yet) affected by broad autocratization of their membership that would endanger democratic majorities or overall democratic densities. However, we also observe the disappearance of formerly homogenous democratic clubs due to democratic backsliding in a number of European and Latin American IO member states, as well as a return of autocratic clubs in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. These findings have important implications for the broader research agenda on international democracy promotion and human right protection as well as the study of legitimacy and the effectiveness of international organizations.}, language = {en} } @misc{NewmanDebreNayloretal.2022, author = {Newman, Abraham and Debre, Maria Josepha and Naylor, Tristen and Regilme, Salvador Santino Fulo Regilme Jr. and Viola, Lora Anne}, title = {Lora Anne Viola. The closure of the international system: how institutions create political equalities and hierarchies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9781108482257 (hardback, \$99.99).}, series = {H-Diplo roundtable}, volume = {XXIII}, journal = {H-Diplo roundtable}, number = {49}, editor = {Labrosse, Diane and Szarejko, Andrew and Fujii, George}, publisher = {H-Net: Humanities \& Social Sciences Online}, address = {East Lansing, MI}, pages = {5 -- 8}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63541, title = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-40121-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-40122-1}, pages = {VI, 296}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{GirnusPanreckPartetzke2023, author = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, title = {Politische Bildung in Kontakt}, series = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, booktitle = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, editor = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-40121-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-40122-1_1}, pages = {1 -- 9}, year = {2023}, abstract = {„Die Gefahr eines Blackouts ist gegeben" gab der Vorsitzende des Deutschen St{\"a}dte- und Gemeindebundes (DStGB), Gerd Landsberg, am 15. September 2022 in einem Interview mit der Welt am Sonntag bekannt. Diese Diagnose - hier bezogen auf m{\"o}gliche Engp{\"a}sse in der Energieversorgung im Winter 2022/23, die durch den kriegerischen Angriff Russlands auf die Ukraine zu drohen scheinen - reiht sich einer weiteren Perle gleich in die lange Kette unz{\"a}hliger Krisendiagnosen der letzten Dekade ein, angesichts derer sich zunehmend der Eindruck einstellen muss, die Krise sei so etwas wie der neue Normalzustand. So ist seit etwas mehr als zehn Jahren die Klimakrise in aller Munde, die letzten drei Jahre wurden von der Corona-Krise dominiert, eine Energiekrise steht m{\"o}glicherweise unmittelbar bevor.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Girnus2021, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Offen f{\"u}r Gr{\"u}nde - Welcher demokratische Anspruch ist an politische Urteile zu stellen?}, series = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, editor = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33076-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_9}, pages = {147 -- 163}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Demokratie und politische Bildung stehen in einem sich zugewandten Verh{\"a}ltnis. Doch folgt daraus, dass politische Urteile stets demokratisch sein m{\"u}ssen? Der Beitrag diskutiert diese Frage vor dem Hintergrund der derzeitigen Debatte um antidemokratische Bewegungen in der Gesellschaft, der Rolle politischer Bildung als F{\"o}rderin von Demokratie und der individuellen Herausforderung f{\"u}r Lehrpersonen in der Unterrichtspraxis.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Girnus2021, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Europabildung als Dialog {\"u}ber politische Werte}, series = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren}, booktitle = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren}, editor = {Vetter, Eva and Lange, Dirk and Wegner, Anke}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt/M.}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1278-3}, pages = {34 -- 54}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @incollection{Girnus2021, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse}, series = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik}, booktitle = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik}, editor = {Weißeno, Georg and Ziegler, B{\´e}atrice}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-29673-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-29673-5_28-1}, pages = {1 -- 16}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse dient als Auswertungsinstrument f{\"u}r Textmaterial, kann aber auch f{\"u}r die Analyse von Ton- und Bildmaterial genutzt werden. Anders als die quantitative Inhaltsanalyse zielt sie darauf ab, dem Material auch Informationen zu entnehmen, auf die ausschließlich interpretativ geschlossen werden kann. Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse kn{\"u}pft an die hermeneutische Tradition des Verstehens an. Der Verstehensprozess wird jedoch in einen vordefinierten, theorie- und regelgeleiteten Forschungsablauf gebettet, um dem wissenschaftlichen Anspruch an Systematik und Intersubjektivit{\"a}t nachzukommen.}, language = {de} } @article{Giesen2023, author = {Giesen, Michael}, title = {Framing gender-based violence in multi-level contexts}, series = {European journal of politics and gender}, volume = {6}, journal = {European journal of politics and gender}, number = {1}, publisher = {Bristol University Press}, address = {Bristol}, issn = {2515-1088}, doi = {10.1332/251510821X16693059192022}, pages = {76 -- 91}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International institutions are an essential driving force of contemporary policies to combat gender-based violence but remain toothless if political actors do not implement them in domestic policies. How can scholars conceptualise the transposition of international gender-based violence norms into domestic policies? I argue that discourse network analysis provides a powerful conceptual and methodological extension of critical frame analysis to understand how frames shape the meaning of gender-based violence norms in multi-level institutional contexts. Frames' normative and cognitive network structure invites combining discourse network and frame analysis techniques that locate frames' power in their ability to connect different institutional spheres temporally and spatially. I outline a multi-level research agenda that traces the framing processes of international norms and their domestic implementation through gender-based violence policies in the Council of Europe's Istanbul Convention. This agenda includes avenues to study how complex transnational policy frameworks like the Istanbul Convention play out in domestic policy implementation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Fuhr2022, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Development thinking and practice}, series = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism}, booktitle = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism}, editor = {R{\"u}land, J{\"u}rgen and Carrapatoso, Astrid}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-80037-755-4}, doi = {10.4337/9781800377561.00037}, pages = {365 -- 380}, year = {2022}, abstract = {After some seventy years of intensive debates, there is an increasingly strong consensus within the academic and practitioner communities that development is both an objective and a process towards improving the quality of people's lives in various societal dimensions - economic, social, environmental, cultural and political - and about how subjectively satisfied they are with it. Since 2015, the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations (UN) reflect such consensus. The sections behind this argument are based on a review of (i) three key theoretical contributions to development and different phases of development thinking; (ii) global and regional governance arrangements and institutions for development cooperation; (iii) upcoming challenges to development policy and practice stemming from a series of new global challenges; and, (iv) development policy as a long and steady, increasingly global and participatory learning process.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Franzke2022, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Challenges of admission and integration of Ukraine war refugees in Germany since the Russian raid in February 2022}, series = {Ziemie Zachodnie i P{\´o}łnocne}, booktitle = {Ziemie Zachodnie i P{\´o}łnocne}, editor = {Stelmach, Andrzej and Barabasz, Adam and Trosiak, Cezary}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, isbn = {978-83-66740-70-9}, pages = {403 -- 412}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{FranzkeRuanodelaFuente2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, title = {Schlussfolgerungen}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_18}, pages = {361 -- 371}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Erwartungsgem{\"a}ß spielen die Traditionen der nationalstaatlichen Migrationspolitik weiterhin eine sehr wichtige Rolle, die Pfadabh{\"a}ngigkeit in diesem Politikfeld bleibt hoch. Die Verteilung der Zust{\"a}ndigkeiten in der Migrationspolitik und der Integration von Migranten in den Nationalstaaten ist nach wie vor sehr unterschiedlich. Bei der Umsetzung von Integrationsstrategien an der Basis sollte die jeweilige Politik auf das Profil sowohl der lokalen Migrantengemeinschaft als auch der einheimischen Bev{\"o}lkerung zugeschnitten sein. Daneben sind ein besseres Migrationsmanagement in der lokalen Verwaltung und das Zusammenspiel von Top-down- und Bottom-up-Bem{\"u}hungen zur Integration von Migranten von Bedeutung.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Integration von Zuwanderern}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_17}, pages = {335 -- 360}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Dieses Kapitel befasst sich mit der Beziehung zwischen der {\"o}ffentlichen Meinung zur Migration und der Medienberichterstattung dar{\"u}ber. Verschiedene Erkl{\"a}rungsmodelle, darunter individuelle Merkmale, kulturelle Faktoren und der Einfluss von Medien und Politik, wurden vorgeschlagen, um die Einstellung der {\"O}ffentlichkeit gegen{\"u}ber Migranten zu erkl{\"a}ren. Es ist wichtig, den lokalen Kontext zu verstehen, da der Anteil der in den einzelnen Regionen und St{\"a}dten lebenden Migranten sehr unterschiedlich ist. Die Bereitstellung korrekter statistischer Informationen, die Hervorhebung der Vielfalt der aktuellen Migrationsmuster in Europa und die Teilnahme an Medien- und {\"o}ffentlichen Diskussionen sind M{\"o}glichkeiten, um die {\"o}ffentliche Meinung auf lokaler Ebene zu beeinflussen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{FranzkeRuanodelaFuente2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, title = {Neue Herausforderungen f{\"u}r die lokale Politik zur Integration von Migranten in Europa}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_1}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In diesem einleitenden Kapitel beschreiben die Herausgeber die wichtigsten theoretischen Grundlagen der Analyse dieses Buches und den methodischen Ansatz. Der Kern des Buches besteht aus 14 l{\"a}nderspezifischen Kapiteln, die einen europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich erm{\"o}glichen und die zunehmende Varianz der migrationspolitischen Ans{\"a}tze innerhalb und zwischen den europ{\"a}ischen L{\"a}ndern aufzeigen. Der Grad der lokalen Autonomie, der Grad der Zentralisierung und die traditionellen Formen der Migrationspolitik sind Faktoren, die insbesondere die M{\"o}glichkeiten der lokalen Beh{\"o}rden beeinflussen, ihre eigene Integrationspolitik zu formulieren.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschland}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_7}, pages = {113 -- 128}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Das Kapitel beginnt mit einem kurzen historischen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber den {\"U}bergang Deutschlands im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert von einem Transit- und Auswanderungsland zu einem Einwanderungsland. Der n{\"a}chste Teil des Kapitels befasst sich mit den Herausforderungen und Problemen der deutschen Einwanderungspolitik in einem f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem. Abschließend analysiert das Kapitel einige Trends in der deutschen Migrationspolitik seit der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise 2015, wie etwa Ver{\"a}nderungen im Parteiensystem und in den Konzepten, die der Migrationspolitik zugrunde liegen, um die Zuwanderung nach Deutschland besser zu steuern, zu kontrollieren und zu begrenzen.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-63511, title = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1}, pages = {XXX, 371}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Dieses Buch gibt einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber die europ{\"a}ische Migrationspolitik und die verschiedenen institutionellen Arrangements innerhalb und zwischen verschiedenen Akteuren wie Kommunalverwaltungen, lokalen Medien, lokaler Wirtschaft und lokalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Initiativen. Sowohl die Rolle der lokalen Beh{\"o}rden in diesem Politikfeld als auch ihre Zusammenarbeit mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Initiativen oder Netzwerken sind noch zu wenig erforschte Themen der Forschung. Als Antwort darauf bietet dieses Buch eine Reihe von detaillierten Fallstudien, die sich auf die sechs Hauptgruppen nationaler und administrativer Traditionen in Europa konzentrieren: Germanische, skandinavische, napoleonische, s{\"u}dosteurop{\"a}ische, mittelosteurop{\"a}ische und angels{\"a}chsische.}, language = {de} } @techreport{Doerfler2021, type = {Working Paper}, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control}, series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management}, journal = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management}, editor = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith}, publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik}, address = {Berlin}, pages = {23 -- 31}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{HeldtDoerfler2021, author = {Heldt, Eugenia C. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Orchestrating private investors for development}, series = {Regulation \& governance}, volume = {16}, journal = {Regulation \& governance}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {1748-5983}, doi = {10.1111/rego.12432}, pages = {1382 -- 1398}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Confronted with a new wave of criticism on the in effectiveness of its development programs, the World Bank embarked on a revitalization process, turning to private investors to finance International Development Association projects and widening its mandate. To explain these adaptation strategies of the World Bank to regain relevance, this piece draws on organizational ecology and orchestration scholarship. We contend that international organizations rely on two adaptation mechanisms, orchestration and scope expansion, when they lose their role as focal actors in an issue area. We find that the World Bank has indeed lost market share and has relied on these two mechanisms to revitalize itself. We show that the World Bank responded to changes in the environment by orchestrating a private sector-oriented capital increase, prioritizing private funding for development through a "cascade approach," and expanding the scope of its mandate into adjacent domains of transnational governance, including climate change and global health.}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerHeinzel2022, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Greening global governance}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {18}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-022-09462-4}, pages = {117 -- 143}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The last decades have seen a remarkable expansion in the number of International Organizations (IOs) that have mainstreamed environmental issues into their policy scope—in many cases due to the pressure of civil society. We hypothesize that International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs), whose headquarters are in proximity to the headquarters of IOs, are more likely to affect IOs' expansion into the environmental domain. We test this explanation by utilizing a novel dataset on the strength of environmental global civil society in proximity to the headquarters of 76 IOs between 1950 and 2017. Three findings stand out. First, the more environmental INGOs have their secretariat in proximity to the headquarter of an IO, the more likely the IO mainstreams environmental policy. Second, proximate INGOs' contribution increases when they can rely on domestically focused NGOs in member states. Third, a pathway case reveals that proximate INGOs played an essential role in inside lobbying, outside lobbying and information provision during the campaign to mainstream environmental issues at the World Bank. However, their efforts relied to a substantial extent on the work of local NGOs on the ground.}, language = {en} } @article{Doerfler2023, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Why rules matter: shaping security council sanctions policy in counterterrorism and beyond}, series = {Journal of global security studies}, volume = {8}, journal = {Journal of global security studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {2057-3170}, doi = {10.1093/jogss/ogac041}, pages = {19}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Sanctions are critical to the Security Council's efforts to fight terrorism. What is striking is that the Council's sanctions regimes are subject to detailed sets of rules and decision criteria. The scholarship on human rights in counterterrorism assumes that rights advocacy and court litigation have prompted this development. The article complements this literature by highlighting an unexplored internal driver of legal-regulatory decision-making and explores how mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members have affected the extent of committee regulations and the content of decisions taken by sanctions committees. Based on internal documents and diplomatic cables, a comparative analysis of the Iraq sanctions regime and the counterterrorism sanctions regime demonstrates that mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members provide incentives to elaborate rules to guide decision-making resulting in legal-regulatory sanctions governance, even if the human rights of targeted individuals are not at stake. For comparative leverage and to assess the limits of the proposed mechanism, the analysis is briefly extended to other sanctions regimes targeting individuals (Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan). The findings have implications for this essential tool of the Security Council to react to threats to peace as diverse as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, and internal armed conflict.}, language = {en} }