@book{AmbauenArnoldBeckeretal.2021,
  author    = {Ambauen, Ladina and Arnold, Maren and Becker, Christian and Chahrour, Mohamed Chaker and Destanovic, Edis and Fretter, Alexandra and Geißler, Marc and Gr{\"u}nberg, Uwe and Habl, Moritz and Hoffmann, Sandra and Juchler, Ingo and Jurkatis, Lena Christine and Keitel, Bernhard and Losensky, Nikolai and Mrowietz, Christian and Nadol, Dominic and Naumann, Asja and Ockenga, Imke and Pohlandt, Anne and P{\"u}rschel, Tobias and Recktenwald, Michelle and Stephan, Roswitha and Tuchel, Johannes and Weinkamp, Christina and Weiß, Christian and Wiecking, Ole and Wockenfuß, Patricia and Zalitatsch, Nora Lina},
  title     = {Mildred Harnack und die Rote Kapelle in Berlin},
  editor    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  edition   = {2., verbesserte Auflage},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-500-2},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-48176},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-481762},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {170},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Mildred Harnack, geb. Fish, stammte urspr{\"u}nglich aus Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Zusammen mit ihrem Ehemann Arvid Harnack zog sie nach Deutschland und lebte seit 1930 in Berlin. Hier lehrte die Literaturwissenschaftlerin an der Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universit{\"a}t (heute Humboldt-Universit{\"a}t) und am Berliner Abendgymnasium (heute Peter A. Silbermann-Schule). Bereits kurz nach der Macht{\"u}bernahme von Adolf Hitler hatte sich um das Ehepaar Harnack ein Kreis von Freunden gebildet, der gegen die Herrschaft der Nationalsozialisten opponierte. Dazu z{\"a}hlten auch Karl Behrens und Bodo Schl{\"o}singer, die beide Sch{\"u}ler Mildred Harnacks am Berliner Abendgymnasium waren. Mildred Harnack konnte mit Hilfe ihrer Kontakte zur amerikanischen Botschaft ihren Sch{\"u}lern im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland ansonsten nicht zug{\"a}ngliche Informationen besorgen. Aufgrund von Funkkontakten des Freundeskreises zur Sowjetunion wurde die Gruppe von den Nationalsozialisten Rote Kapelle genannt - „rot" bezog sich auf deren linke Haltung und mit „Kapelle" wurden Funker assoziiert, die wie Pianisten in einer Kapelle spielen. Der Berliner Oppositionszirkel umfasste bis zu seiner Zerschlagung durch die Nationalsozialisten etwa 150 Personen verschiedenster Berufsgruppen, unterschiedlicher parteipolitischer Einstellungen und Konfessionen. Die Gruppe verfertigte oppositionelle Flugbl{\"a}tter und lieferte Informationen an die amerikanische Botschaft sowie an die Sowjetunion. Mildred Harnack wurde - wie viele ihrer Mitstreiterinnen und Mitstreiter - nach ihrer Verhaftung vom Reichskriegsgericht zum Tode verurteilt und am 16. Februar 1943 in Pl{\"o}tzensee guillotiniert. In diesem Band stellen Studierende der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam sowie H{\"o}rerinnen und H{\"o}rer der Peter A. Silbermann-Schule (Berlin) nach einem kurzen {\"U}berblick zum Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus in Deutschland das Netzwerk der Roten Kapelle sowie die Biographien von Mildred Harnack und ihren Sch{\"u}lern Karl Behrens und Bodo Schl{\"o}singer vom Berliner Abendgymnasium eindr{\"u}cklich vor.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Arnold2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Arnold, Maren},
  title     = {"Der Fall Collini" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51285},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-512851},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {75},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich die Politikdidaktik zunehmend mit dem Einsatz von Narrationen im Politikunterricht besch{\"a}ftigt, denn neben Sachtexten bietet auch die Belletristik die M{\"o}glichkeit, sich mit politischen Themen auseinanderzusetzen. Insbesondere die Literatur von Ferdinand von Schirach hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Anklang in der Gesellschaft gefunden. Von Schirachs Texte greifen gesellschaftskritische Themen auf, beleuchten diese aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und fordern zur Meinungsbildung heraus. Aus diesem Grund weisen von Schirachs Narrationen ein hohes Potential f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung auf. Politische Bildung schließt auch die Rechterziehung ein. Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach setzt sich sowohl mit rechtlichen, als auch mit politischen Themen im Sinne der Rechtserziehung auseinander. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit der Roman Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration eine Chance f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht darstellt. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, werden die Lernchancen und -grenzen des Romans hinsichtlich seiner Thematik und seines Genres, sowie durch den Roman gef{\"o}rderten Kompetenzen herausgearbeitet und die durch ihn m{\"o}glichen f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden Bez{\"u}ge verdeutlicht. Durch die Auseinandersetzung mit von Schirachs Werk besch{\"a}ftigen sich die Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler mit politisch-rechtlichen Themen, wie dem Spannungsverh{\"a}ltnis von Recht und Gerechtigkeit, dem Ablauf von Strafgerichtsverfahren, dem theoretischen Anspruch des Rechtsstaates und dessen realen Schw{\"a}chen. Zudem f{\"o}rdert die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Roman Der Fall Collini die vier fachbezogenen Kompetenzen der Politischen Bildung, sowie Multiperspektivit{\"a}t und exemplarisches Lernen. Des Weiteren verkn{\"u}pft der Roman historische, politisch-rechtliche und moralisch-ethische Aspekte miteinander, wodurch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifende Bez{\"u}ge mit den F{\"a}chern Geschichte, Deutsch und L-E-R hergestellt werden k{\"o}nnen. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus spricht der Justizroman als Narration seine Leserinnen und Leser auch emotional an und f{\"o}rdert somit eine ganzheitliche und nachhaltige Wissensvermittlung im Sinne der Rechtserziehung. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach sich f{\"u}r die unterrichtliche Besch{\"a}ftigung innerhalb der Politischen Bildung besonders eignet.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021,
  author    = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias},
  title     = {The social construction of global health priorities},
  series = {International studies quarterly},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {International studies quarterly},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0020-8833},
  doi       = {10.1093/isq/sqab092},
  pages     = {15},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BergstroemFranzkeKuhlmannetal.2021,
  author    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  title     = {Future Outlook and Scenarios},
  series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  journal   = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_20},
  pages     = {227 -- 286},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Where is local self-government heading in the future? Among trends identified is firstly an intensification of multilevel, intermunicipal, and cross-border governance. In the future even more of cooperation and coordination among different political and administrative levels will be required. Territorial boundaries have become increasingly incongruent with functional public activities. Secondly, the innovative potential of introducing markets as templates for organisational reform has reached its end. Future reforms will most likely try to adapt market reforms to local public contexts, or even reverse the development. Finally, a tightening of state steering and an increased dependence on state funding to uphold local services is expected. Waves of amalgamations might slow down this process but they will not make financial problems disappear completely.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BogumilKuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Digitale Transformation in deutschen Kommunen},
  series = {Die Verwaltung},
  volume    = {54},
  journal   = {Die Verwaltung},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0042-4498},
  doi       = {10.3790/verw.54.1.105},
  pages     = {105 -- 132},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Deutschland landet in europ{\"a}ischen Rankings zur Verwaltungsdigitalisierung regelm{\"a}ßig im hinteren Mittelfeld. Die bisherige Bilanz der Digitalisierung f{\"u}r die deutsche {\"o}ffentliche Verwaltung ist trotz verst{\"a}rkter Anstrengungen aller f{\"o}deraler Ebenen, wie sie insbesondere in der Umsetzung des Onlinezugangsgesetzes (OZG) zum Ausdruck kommen, nach wie vor als eher ern{\"u}chternd einzusch{\"a}tzen. Vor diesem Hintergrund besch{\"a}ftigt sich der vorliegende Beitrag mit der Umsetzung, den H{\"u}rden und ausgew{\"a}hlten Wirkungsaspekten der Verwaltungsdigitalisierung auf kommunaler Ebene. Die empirische Basis bildet eine 2019 abgeschlossene Studie zur digitalen Transformation in einem Schl{\"u}sselbereich b{\"u}rgerbezogener Leistungserbringung, den st{\"a}dtischen B{\"u}rger{\"a}mtern, welche die am meisten nachgefragten kommunalen Dienstleistungen bereitstellen. Aus der Analyse lassen sich wichtige Erkenntnisse f{\"u}r die zuk{\"u}nftige Entwicklung der Digitalisierung {\"o}ffentlicher Leistungserbringung in Deutschland ableiten.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Taking nativism to the streets},
  series = {Moving the social},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {Moving the social},
  publisher = {Institute for Social Movements},
  address   = {Bochum},
  isbn      = {978-3-8375-2491-8},
  issn      = {2197-0386},
  doi       = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62},
  pages     = {43 -- 62},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Ein nach rechts verzerrtes Bild?},
  series = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  issn      = {0934-9200},
  doi       = {10.5771/0934-9200-2021-4-456},
  pages     = {456 -- 473},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Deutsche B{\"u}rger},
  series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  pages     = {187 -- 216},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Der rekonstruktive Nationalismus und die Demokratie},
  series = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
  booktitle = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
  editor    = {Jansen, Christian and Zepp, Marianne},
  publisher = {wbg Academic},
  address   = {Darmstadt},
  isbn      = {978-3-534-40501-5},
  pages     = {87 -- 116},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BotschSchulze2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  title     = {Vorwort},
  series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  pages     = {7 -- 21},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Bruening2021,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Wider den Missbrauch von Beutelsbach},
  series = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
  booktitle = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
  editor    = {Drerup, Johannes and Zulaica y Mugica, Miguel and Yacek, Douglas},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  publisher = {Verlag W. Kohlhammer},
  address   = {Stuttgart},
  isbn      = {978-3-17-039884-9},
  doi       = {10.17433/978-3-17-039883-2},
  pages     = {173 -- 187},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
  pages     = {775 -- 793},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Carl2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Carl, Kea},
  title     = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere: eine Unterrichtskonzeption f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51512},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515129},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {127},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche M{\"o}glichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen f{\"u}r einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden k{\"o}nnen. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an M{\"o}glichkeiten, das sich mit dieser {\"U}berlegung {\"o}ffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktm{\"a}ßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht. Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten f{\"u}r den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielf{\"a}ltige Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte sowohl f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht als auch f{\"u}r weitere Unterrichtsf{\"a}cher bietet.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Dannemann2021,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo},
  title     = {Neoliberale Subjektivierung verstehen},
  series = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
  booktitle = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
  editor    = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-32909-9},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-32910-5_10},
  pages     = {241 -- 262},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Der homo oeconomicus als einziges Leitbild der Gesellschaft - Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage, wie ein Verst{\"a}ndnis der neoliberalen Subjektivierung als Grundlage f{\"u}r die sozio{\"o}konomische Bildung dienen kann, um einer Entwicklung zu einer marktkonformen Demokratie entgegenzuwirken. Ausgehend von Foucaults Vorlesungen zur Biopolitik und Browns aktueller Analyse zum Neoliberalismus wird ein soziologischer Erkl{\"a}rungsansatz formuliert, der das Menschenbild des homo oeconomicus als strukturelles Element unserer Gesellschaft begreift. Mit Bezug auf die besondere Rolle der neoliberalen Rationalit{\"a}t erl{\"a}utert der Beitrag Sichtweisen, die in dieser Entwicklung ein Ende der liberal-demokratischen Ordnung sehen. Im zweiten Teil wird im Sinne der immanenten Kritik eine ideologiekritische Analysekompetenz skizziert, welche die soziale Wirklichkeit mithilfe von Schl{\"u}sselproblemen an eine gesellschaftskritische Perspektive koppelt. Ziel ist es, exemplarisch „gesellschaftliche Ordnungsgrundlagen" (Salomon 2014) herauszufordern, um letztlich das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel einer M{\"u}ndigkeit der Subjekte zu erreichen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{DannemannGirnus2021,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo and Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {R{\"a}ume unterschiedlicher Diversit{\"a}t},
  series = {Politik unterrichten},
  volume    = {36},
  journal   = {Politik unterrichten},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Deutsche Vereinigung f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung, Landesgruppe Niedersachsen},
  address   = {Oldenburg},
  issn      = {0930-2107},
  pages     = {33 -- 45},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Debre2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha},
  title     = {Clubs of autocrats},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y},
  pages     = {485 -- 511},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations},
  series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1758-5880},
  doi       = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {Immune to COVID?},
  publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science},
  address   = {London},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dumas2021,
  author    = {Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Reforms of school supervision in the German L{\"a}nder},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_19},
  pages     = {257 -- 273},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Doerfler2021,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control},
  series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  journal   = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  editor    = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith},
  publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {23 -- 31},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
  title     = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
  series = {European journal of international relations},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {European journal of international relations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1354-0661},
  doi       = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
  pages     = {753 -- 778},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Feil2021,
  author    = {Feil, Hauke},
  title     = {The cancer of corruption and World Bank project performance},
  series = {Development policy review / publ. for the Overseas Development Institute},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Development policy review / publ. for the Overseas Development Institute},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Blackwell Publ.},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1467-7679},
  doi       = {10.1111/dpr.12503},
  pages     = {381 -- 397},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Motivation: Corruption is often cited as a central reason why development projects fail. The article tests this claim by assessing whether World Bank projects perform worse in implementation environments with a higher corruption level. The article focuses specifically on bribery between public officials and firms during the procurement of needed goods and services. Approach and Methods: I use data from the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys to avoid the often-criticized corruption perception indices and to allow for an assessment of effects at the subnational level. The analysis builds on an assessment of the performance ratings of 1,228 World Bank projects and covers 87 different countries. Finding: Overall, the article finds a small but statistically significant correlation between the corruption level and project performance. This result indicates that the corruption level of recipient countries should be considered during the design and implementation of projects. Policy Implications: Nonetheless, the relatively small correlation and the low pseudo R-squareds advise not overestimating the relevance of corruption for project performance. At least for the project level, the article finds no indication that corruption is a primary obstacle to aid effectiveness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021,
  author    = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen},
  title     = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector},
  series = {Der moderne Staat},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Der moderne Staat},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1865-7192},
  doi       = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13},
  pages     = {3 -- 23},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerCarstens2021,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora},
  title     = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning},
  series = {Public Management Review},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Public Management Review},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1470-1065},
  doi       = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803},
  pages     = {1208 -- 1225},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ForsterHeinzel2021,
  author    = {Forster, Timon and Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {Reacting, fast and slow},
  series = {Journal of European public policy},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Journal of European public policy},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-1763},
  doi       = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1942157},
  pages     = {1299 -- 1320},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The COVID-19 pandemic created extraordinary challenges for governments to safeguard the well-being of their people. To what extent has leaders' reliance on scientific advice shaped government responses to the COVID-19 outbreak? We argue that leaders who tend to orient themselves on expert advice realized the extent of the crisis earlier. Consequently, these governments would adopt containment measures relatively quickly, despite the high uncertainty they faced. Over time, differences in government responses based on the use of science would dissipate due to herding effects. We test our argument on data combining 163 government responses to the pandemic with national- and individual-level characteristics. Consistent with our argument, we find that countries governed by politicians with a stronger technocratic mentality, approximated by holding a PhD, adopted restrictive containment measures faster in the early, but not in the later, stages of the crisis. This importance of expert-based leadership plausibly extends to other large-scale societal crises.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
  pages     = {107 -- 121},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
  pages     = {311 -- 333},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Das Zusammenwirken der Ortsbeir{\"a}te mit der Stadtverwaltung und der Stadtverordnetenversammlung},
  editor    = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam, Oberb{\"u}rgermeister},
  publisher = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Land Brandenburg},
  series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  editor    = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-23665-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_72},
  pages     = {518 -- 525},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Das {\"u}ber 860 Jahre alte deutsche Land BB liegt im Nordosten Ds zwischen Elbe und Oder. Es umschließt die Bundeshauptstadt BE, die als Einheitsgemeinde zugleich ein eigenes Land bildet. Potsdam als Landeshauptstadt ist mit 176.000 E. die gr{\"o}ßte Stadt in BB. Mit 29.482 qkm (8,3 \% von D) z{\"a}hlt die Mark zu den fl{\"a}chenreichsten Bundesl{\"a}ndern.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 9},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
  pages     = {335 -- 344},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic},
  series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur},
  address   = {Antony},
  isbn      = {9782281134964},
  pages     = {257 -- 272},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkeSchapp2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and Schapp, Linze},
  title     = {Beyond Charter and Index},
  series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  journal   = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_3},
  pages     = {31 -- 42},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The Chapter examines the concept of local autonomy in modern European states by analysing theoretical approaches. The classical, deductive approach defines local autonomy mostly through legal, economic and financial conditions, especially by formal structures. This proves to be too weak to define the internal strength of local authorities and their real political-administrative power. A more multidimensional definition of autonomy, including indicators as importance, capacity, as well as discretion and democracy at local level is needed. The authors utilise the indicators, used by the Local Autonomy Index (LAI) developed by Ladner et al. and the European Charter of Local Self-Government to find out what is still missing. The contribution redounds to stimulate the scientific debate on local autonomy in Europe. Until the concept of local autonomy will fit for all European states with extremely differentiated local authorities, the research in this field remains a conceptual and heuristic endeavour. Especially, because local government and democracy are until now territory-based, whereas the reality is one of multilevel and cross-border governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fruhstorfer2021,
  author    = {Fruhstorfer, Anna},
  title     = {Constitutional revolutions under autocracy},
  series = {Constitutional studies},
  volume    = {7},
  journal   = {Constitutional studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {University of Wisconsin Press},
  address   = {Madison},
  issn      = {2474-9427},
  pages     = {33 -- 47},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Gary Jacobsohn and Yaniv Roznai's (2020) book Constitutional Revolution offers a sophisticated conceptual framework with a fascinating description of empirical occurrences of substantive revolutions in the practice and understanding of constitutionalism in Germany, India, Hungary, and Israel. While the conceptualization in the book and its empirical illustration clearly draw from regime transformations or substantive changes within democratic regimes, we know little about the extent to which substantive constitutional reforms are possible and meaningful in autocratic regimes. As their concept of constitutional revolution is ambiguous and requires a substantive engagement with an individual case at hand, we cannot sim- ply expect concept equivalence when expanding its use beyond a transitory or democratic context. Hence, in this contribution I ask, What constitutes a constitutional revolution in an autocratic regime? To shed light on this question, I rely on the expectation that we do not find important differences in the substance of autocratic constitutions compared to democratic constitutions. Autocratic elites, also, under- stand the possibilities of constitutional change and respond to them as they offer regime stability and simply more power, but that is not a revolution. Therefore, I argue that the substantive meaning of an amendment must be a departure from the inherent logic of the constitution, especially outside the standard procedures for autocratic ruling. Thus, in this paper I discuss the theoretical implications of a constitutional revolution under autocracy without a regime transition and provide empirical evidence from various constitutional amendments and de facto reforms in Russia. I show that a constitutional revolution is not always the most important or most discussed constitutional change—at least, not in an autocratic context. This discussion has important implications for understanding constitutionalism and autocratic stability and the largely overlooked relationship between substance and process in nondemocratic settings.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
  series = {Third world quarterly},
  volume    = {42},
  journal   = {Third world quarterly},
  number    = {11},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0143-6597},
  doi       = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
  pages     = {2724 -- 2746},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GamarraLechonEscribanoetal.2021,
  author    = {Gamarra, Ana Rosa and Lech{\´o}n, Yolanda and Escribano, Gonzalo and Lilliestam, Johan and L{\´a}zaro, Lara and Cald{\´e}s, Nat{\`a}lia},
  title     = {Assessing dependence and governance as value chain risks},
  series = {Environmental impact assessment review},
  volume    = {93},
  journal   = {Environmental impact assessment review},
  number    = {106708},
  publisher = {Elsevier Science},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0195-9255},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.eiar.2021.106708},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Despite geopolitics play a pivotal role in the energy sector, geopolitical aspects are often not considered in the quantitative assessment models aimed at supporting the energy investment decision-making process. To address this issue, this work proposes an Extended Multi-regional Input-Output model (EMRIO) that incorporates import dependence and governance along the value chain. As case study, two alternative energy investments in Mexico - a Natural Gas Power plant (NG) and a Concentrated Solar Power plant (CSP) - are assessed. The method quantifies the geographical diversification of suppliers and the quality of governance. The assessment of the case study shows that the supply chain of the CSP plant includes more countries and with better governance levels than the supply chain of the NG power plant. That means, a priori, that the supply risks of investing in CSP power plants will be lower, as will suppliers' endogenous geopolitical risk. However, a sensitivity analysis considering different providers of the solar plant components reveals that CSP plant value chain could also entail similar or even higher governance risks levels as the NG plant. The scenario where China provides some of the components entails a much higher governance risks, even higher than the NG base case. In consequence, we have proved that the method proposed allows the identification of hidden geopolitical risks that would otherwise go unnoticed. This paper enlarges the existing knowledge on assessment methodologies for energy policy decision-support by measuring diversification and imports dependence from countries with different levels of governance along the whole value chain.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001},
  pages     = {1 -- 199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-53783},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839},
  pages     = {199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GilmanovaWangGosensetal.2021,
  author    = {Gilmanova, Alina and Wang, Zhifeng and Gosens, Jorrit and Lilliestam, Johan},
  title     = {Building an internationally competitive concentrating solar power industry in China},
  series = {Energy sources : B, economics, planning and policy},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Energy sources : B, economics, planning and policy},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1556-7249},
  doi       = {10.1080/15567249.2021.1931563},
  pages     = {515 -- 541},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This article draws lessons from experiences of developing the photovoltaic (PV) and onshore wind power sectors in China for the development of Chinese Concentrated Solar Power (CSP) into an internationally competitive industry. We analyze the sectoral development with a framework that expands on the concept of lead markets, identifying factors that determine whether domestic industrial development paths may or may not generate export success. We find that the Chinese CSP sector has good potential for becoming internationally competitive because of a strong Chinese knowledge base, a clear eye for product quality, standard-setting, and a focus on the high-efficiency and large-storage technological routes most likely to see growing demand in future international markets. Chinese solar towers are already cheaper than international competitors and so far, appear reliable. However, continued and stable deployment support for CSP, designed to reward dispatchable solar power generation, enabling continued domestic learning-by-doing and -interacting is likely required to realize this export potential. To date, Chinese CSP policy has done many things right and, if the domestic market is maintained through renewed support, has put the Chinese industry well on the path to international competitiveness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Offen f{\"u}r Gr{\"u}nde - Welcher demokratische Anspruch ist an politische Urteile zu stellen?},
  series = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  editor    = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33076-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_9},
  pages     = {147 -- 163},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Demokratie und politische Bildung stehen in einem sich zugewandten Verh{\"a}ltnis. Doch folgt daraus, dass politische Urteile stets demokratisch sein m{\"u}ssen? Der Beitrag diskutiert diese Frage vor dem Hintergrund der derzeitigen Debatte um antidemokratische Bewegungen in der Gesellschaft, der Rolle politischer Bildung als F{\"o}rderin von Demokratie und der individuellen Herausforderung f{\"u}r Lehrpersonen in der Unterrichtspraxis.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse},
  series = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik},
  editor    = {Weißeno, Georg and Ziegler, B{\´e}atrice},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-29673-5},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-29673-5_28-1},
  pages     = {1 -- 16},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse dient als Auswertungsinstrument f{\"u}r Textmaterial, kann aber auch f{\"u}r die Analyse von Ton- und Bildmaterial genutzt werden. Anders als die quantitative Inhaltsanalyse zielt sie darauf ab, dem Material auch Informationen zu entnehmen, auf die ausschließlich interpretativ geschlossen werden kann. Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse kn{\"u}pft an die hermeneutische Tradition des Verstehens an. Der Verstehensprozess wird jedoch in einen vordefinierten, theorie- und regelgeleiteten Forschungsablauf gebettet, um dem wissenschaftlichen Anspruch an Systematik und Intersubjektivit{\"a}t nachzukommen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Europabildung als Dialog {\"u}ber politische Werte},
  series = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren},
  booktitle = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren},
  editor    = {Vetter, Eva and Lange, Dirk and Wegner, Anke},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt/M.},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1278-3},
  pages     = {34 -- 54},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{GirnusNaumannDannemannetal.2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa and Naumann, Rosemarie and Dannemann, Udo and Droll, Max and Brandenburg, DVPB},
  title     = {Politische Bildung als Herausforderung - 30 Jahre Partnerschaft der DVPB-Landesverb{\"a}nde in Brandenburg und NRW},
  series = {Politisches Lernen},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Politisches Lernen},
  number    = {3-4},
  publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {0937-2946},
  pages     = {61 -- 61},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{GosensGilmanovaLilliestam2021,
  author    = {Gosens, Jorrit and Gilmanova, Alina and Lilliestam, Johan},
  title     = {Windows of opportunity for catching up in formative clean-tech sectors and the rise of China in concentrated solar power},
  series = {Environmental innovation and societal transitions},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Environmental innovation and societal transitions},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {2210-4224},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.eist.2021.03.005},
  pages     = {86 -- 106},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We analyse the potential for industry entry and catching up by latecomer countries or firms in formative sectors, by deriving a framework that builds on the concept of windows of opportunity for catching up. This framework highlights differences in technological, market, and institutional characteristics between formative and mature sectors, and elaborates how this may affect opportunities for catching up. We apply this framework to the global Concentrated Solar Power sector, in which China has rapidly narrowed the gap to the global forefront in terms of technological capabilities and market competitiveness. We find that the formative nature of the sector resulted in turbulent development of the technological, market, and institutional dimensions, making it more difficult for early leaders to retain leadership, and therefore easier for latecomer firms or countries to catch up. This signals an increased role in early-stage technology development in the next phase of the energy transition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Heinzel2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {World Bank staff and project implementation},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK},
  series = {West European politics},
  journal   = {West European politics},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0140-2382},
  doi       = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630},
  pages     = {1258 -- 1282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Managing performance and winning trust},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-744X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4},
  pages     = {625 -- 653},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeldtDoerfler2021,
  author    = {Heldt, Eugenia C. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Orchestrating private investors for development},
  series = {Regulation \& governance},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Regulation \& governance},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken, NJ},
  issn      = {1748-5983},
  doi       = {10.1111/rego.12432},
  pages     = {1382 -- 1398},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Confronted with a new wave of criticism on the in effectiveness of its development programs, the World Bank embarked on a revitalization process, turning to private investors to finance International Development Association projects and widening its mandate. To explain these adaptation strategies of the World Bank to regain relevance, this piece draws on organizational ecology and orchestration scholarship. We contend that international organizations rely on two adaptation mechanisms, orchestration and scope expansion, when they lose their role as focal actors in an issue area. We find that the World Bank has indeed lost market share and has relied on these two mechanisms to revitalize itself. We show that the World Bank responded to changes in the environment by orchestrating a private sector-oriented capital increase, prioritizing private funding for development through a "cascade approach," and expanding the scope of its mandate into adjacent domains of transnational governance, including climate change and global health.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian},
  title     = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9},
  pages     = {115 -- 130},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannWiderbergLedereretal.2021,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Widerberg, Oscar and Lederer, Markus and Pattberg, Philipp H.},
  title     = {The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat as an orchestrator in global climate policymaking},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.]},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852319840425},
  pages     = {21 -- 38},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Scholars have recently devoted increasing attention to the role and function of international bureaucracies in global policymaking. Some of them contend that international public officials have gained significant political influence in various policy fields. Compared to other international bureaucracies, the political leeway of the Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has been considered rather limited. Due to the specific problem structure of the policy domain of climate change, national governments endowed this intergovernmental treaty secretariat with a relatively narrow mandate. However, this article argues that in the past few years, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat has gradually loosened its straitjacket and expanded its original spectrum of activity by engaging different sub-national and non-state actors into a policy dialogue using facilitative orchestration as a mode of governance. The present article explores the recent evolution of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat and investigates the way in which it initiates, guides, broadens and strengthens sub-national and non-state climate actions to achieve progress in the international climate negotiations. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> The Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has lately adopted new roles and functions in global climate policymaking. While previously seen as a rather technocratic body that, first and foremost, serves national governments, the Climate Secretariat increasingly interacts with sub-national governments, civil society organizations and private companies to push the global response to climate change forward. We contend that the Climate Secretariat can contribute to global climate policymaking by coordinating and steering the initiatives of non-nation-state actors towards coherence and good practice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Haenel2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.},
  title     = {Epistemic injustice and recognition theory: what we owe to refugees},
  series = {Migration, recognition and critical theory},
  volume    = {21},
  booktitle = {Migration, recognition and critical theory},
  editor    = {Schweiger, Gottfried},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-72731-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-72732-1_12},
  pages     = {257 -- 282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This paper starts from the premise that Western states are connected to some of the harms refugees suffer from. It specifically focuses on the harm of acts of misrecognition and its relation to epistemic injustice that refugees suffer from in refugee camps, in detention centers, and during their desperate attempts to find refuge. The paper discusses the relation between hermeneutical injustice and acts of misrecognition, showing that these two phenomena are interconnected and that acts of misrecognition are particularly damaging when (a) they stretch over different contexts, leaving us without or with very few safe spaces, and (b) they dislocate us, leaving us without a community to turn to. The paper then considers the ways in which refugees experience acts of misrecognition and suffer from hermeneutical injustice, using the case of unaccompanied children at the well-known and overcrowded camp Moria in Greece, the case of unsafe detention centers in Libya, and the case of the denial to assistance on the Mediterranean and the resulting pushbacks from international waters to Libya as well as the preventable drowning of refugees in the Mediterranean to illustrate the arguments. Finally, the paper argues for specific duties toward refugees that result from the prior arguments on misrecognition and hermeneutical injustice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Haenel2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.},
  title     = {The intricacies of ideology and ignorance},
  series = {Social epistemology review \& reply collective : SERRC},
  volume    = {10},
  journal   = {Social epistemology review \& reply collective : SERRC},
  number    = {7},
  publisher = {Social epistemology review \& reply collective},
  address   = {[Erscheinungsort nicht ermittelbar]},
  issn      = {2471-9560},
  pages     = {58 -- 62},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HaenelBratu2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Bratu, Christine},
  title     = {Varieties of hermeneutical injustice},
  series = {Moral philosophy and politics},
  volume    = {8},
  journal   = {Moral philosophy and politics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {2194-5616},
  doi       = {10.1515/mopp-2020-0007},
  pages     = {331 -- 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Haessler2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}ßler, Marcel},
  title     = {Die Polizei aus Sicht afghanischer Polizisten},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {422},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Ihle2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Ihle, Sebastian},
  title     = {Das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck "Gott" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51576},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515768},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {66},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Der rechtliche, moralisch-ethische und auch politische Gehalt des Theaterst{\"u}cks „Gott" wirft aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive u. a. die Frage auf, inwiefern sich das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck Gott von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht eignet. Diese Frage stellt sich v. a. vor dem Hintergrund, dass der Politikdidaktiker Ingo Juchler im Rahmen des von ihm begr{\"u}ndeten narrativen Ansatzes der politischen Bildung den Einsatz von Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung explizit vorschl{\"a}gt. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus l{\"a}sst sich die Narration auch thematisch dem Politikunterricht zuordnen. Denn, dass Recht „Teil der Politischen Bildung ist und im Unterricht eine Rolle spielen sollte" (Goll 2017: 592), gilt in der fachdidaktischen Literatur zum rechtlichen Lernen gemeinhin als unstrittig. Die Arbeit ist gedanklich in zwei Teile gegliedert: Im ersten Teil wird zun{\"a}chst eine wissenschaftlich bzw. fachdidaktisch fundierte Grundlage geschaffen. In einem ersten Schritt werden deshalb der narrative Ansatz der politischen Bildung und in diesem Zusammenhang insbesondere die Vorz{\"u}ge des Einsatzes von Narrationen im Politikunterricht vorgestellt. Anschließend werden Recht und Rechtserziehung in den Kontext von Schule und Politikunterricht eingeordnet. Aus beiden Abschnitten werden folglich Kriterien abgeleitet, anhand derer im Allgemeinen die Eignung einer Narration f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 2) und im Besonderen die Eignung einer Narration als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 3) bestimmt werden kann. Diese Kriterien werden in einem Kriterienkatalog (Abschnitt 4) geb{\"u}ndelt, mit dessen Hilfe im zweiten Teil das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck „Gott" hinsichtlich seiner Eignung als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht {\"u}berpr{\"u}ft wird. Abschließend werden die Untersuchungsergebnisse pointiert dargelegt und das Vorgehen reflektiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Mundus vult decipi},
  series = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  editor    = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33076-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_13},
  pages     = {229 -- 247},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Menschen glauben, was sie glauben wollen. Betonung auf wollen. (…) Nein, der Glaube der Menschen h{\"a}ngt nicht von Fakten ab, nicht von Beweisen. Schlimmer noch - und das ist fast so etwas wie der zweite Teil der Erleuchtung, eine Steigerung: Man kann ihnen Fakten liefern, man kann sie widerlegen, es hilft nichts. Im Gegenteil, wer etwas glauben will, findet einen Weg! Er wird sich durch den winzigen Spalt quetschen, den die Wahrheit im l{\"a}sst. Wird die Dinge so lange so drehen und wenden, bis sie wieder in seinen Glauben hineinpassen, und seine ganze Klugheit wird ihn nicht etwa daran hindern, sondern ihm noch dabei behilflich sein. Eugen Ruge, Metropol Toren sind, die alles loben und lieben, was im Nebel verdrehter Worte dunkel daherkommt; Toren, die f{\"u}r wahr halten, was ihnen eingef{\"a}rbt durch wohlt{\"o}nende Phrasen, reizvoll die Ohren kitzelt. Lukrez, {\"U}ber die Natur der Dinge},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Ein Volkskanzler},
  publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung},
  address   = {Bonn},
  isbn      = {978-3-8389-7228-2},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Wie Grundrechte unter den Augen aller ausgeh{\"o}hlt und umgebaut werden, wie kurz der Weg von der Demokratie zur Diktatur ist, zeigt Maximilian Steinbeis' Gedankenexperiment »Ein Volkskanzler« in sechs Schritten. Auf der Grundlage seines Essays hat er ein Theaterst{\"u}ck verfasst, das bereits auf vielen B{\"u}hnen gespielt und nun auch als Kammerspiel verfilmt wurde. Die didaktische Handreichung unterst{\"u}tzt Lehrerinnen und Lehrer bei der Einbettung des Theaterst{\"u}cks oder der Verfilmung von »Ein Volkskanzler« im Unterricht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Aporien des Rechts},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt am Main},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1405-3},
  issn      = {1864-6492},
  pages     = {196 -- 206},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Rezension zu: Pelluchon, Corine: Manifest f{\"u}r die Tiere. - M{\"u}nchen: C.H. Beck Verlag, 2020. - 125 S. - ISBN: 978-3-406-75709-9},
  series = {Forum Politikunterricht},
  journal   = {Forum Politikunterricht},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Deutsche Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Bildung, Landesverband Bayern},
  address   = {M{\"u}nchen},
  issn      = {0941-5874},
  pages     = {2},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Außerschulische Lernorte, Narrationen und Theater},
  series = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II},
  booktitle = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II},
  editor    = {L{\"u}dicke, Lars},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-95410-282-2},
  pages     = {45 -- 55},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung},
  series = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik},
  booktitle = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik},
  editor    = {Goll, Thomas and Friedrichs, Werner},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33763-6},
  issn      = {2570-2114},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33763-6_3},
  pages     = {35 -- 49},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Ingo Juchler setzt sich am Beispiel des Romans „Am k{\"u}rzeren Ende der Sonnenallee" (1999) von Thomas Brussig mit „Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung" auseinander. Nach der Einf{\"u}hrung in den Roman er{\"o}rtert er dessen politischen Sinngehalt, den er in der Auseinandersetzung mit den literarischen Leitfiguren des Romans, Friedrich Schiller und Jean-Paul Sartre, im besonderen Wert der Freiheit findet. Den Toten der Berliner Mauer, die davon Zeugnis geben, setzt Juchler im abschließenden Kapitel ein Denkmal.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kiefer2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Kiefer, Farina},
  title     = {‚Wir' und ‚die Anderen' - Konstruktionen des Liberalismus und ihre Wirkungen auf die Politik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51597},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515975},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {ii, 90, XLIV},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die aktuelle Politik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union hat im Umgang mit fl{\"u}chtenden Menschen das Mittelmeer in ein Massengrab verwandelt. Dass auch im Jahr 2021 t{\"a}glich Menschen an den EU-Außengrenzen sterben h{\"a}ngt dabei mit dem Ausbau von Sicherheitsmechanismen zum Zweck eines verst{\"a}rkten Grenzschutzes zusammen. Durch Sicherheitsmechanismen wie bspw. den Ausbau von Frontex und die elektronische Erfassung von Ein- und Ausreisedaten schottet sich die EU dabei immer weiter ab w{\"a}hrend gleichzeitig die Thematik der Flucht und Migration eine zunehmende ‚Versicherheitlichung' erf{\"a}hrt. Die vorliegende Arbeit geht davon aus, dass die Grundz{\"u}ge der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration bereits im liberalen Staatsverst{\"a}ndnis der EU angelegt sind. Mithilfe einer foucaultschen Diskursanalyse hinterfragt die Arbeit daher die historisch entstandenen und im Liberalismus inbegriffenen Vorannahmen {\"u}ber nicht-europ{\"a}ische Menschen und deren Fortentwicklung in die heutigen Politiken der EU. Dabei geht die Arbeit einerseits der Frage nach, wie sich die zunehmende Versicherheitlichung der Migration und der damit verbundene Umgang mit Nicht-Europ{\"a}er*innen an den EU-Außengrenzen erkl{\"a}ren l{\"a}sst. Vertieft wird gefragt, inwieweit sich die konstruierten Wissensmuster {\"u}ber das europ{\"a}ische ‚wir' und die nicht-europ{\"a}ischen ‚Anderen' aus dem Liberalismus in der heutigen EU-Politik wiederfinden. Auf Basis der Werke Michel Foucaults f{\"u}hrt die Arbeit in die Entwicklung liberaler Staatlichkeit seit dem 17. Jahrhundert ein. Erg{\"a}nzt werden diese Darstellungen um eine postkoloniale Perspektive, die eine Darstellung des liberalen Denkens {\"u}ber das europ{\"a}ische ‚Außen' vermittelt. Gemeinsam legen diese beiden Perspektiven die Strukturen liberalen Denkens offen, die im sp{\"a}teren Verlauf der Analyse in aktuellen EU-Dokumenten wiedererkannt werden. Als Analysedokumente dienen dabei sechs von der EU ver{\"o}ffentlichte Agenden, Verordnungen und Strategien, die die thematische Schnittstelle zwischen Sicherheit und Migration umfassen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich ein ‚Othering' - die historisch entstandene Gruppenbildung des homogen begriffenen europ{\"a}ischen ‚Wirs' gegen{\"u}ber den nicht-europ{\"a}ischen ‚Anderen' - in der heutigen Politik der EU an deren Außengrenzen reproduziert. Das im 17. Jahrhundert entstandene Sicherheitsdenken des liberalen Staates wird {\"u}ber die Reproduktion bestimmter Wissensmuster in Form von ‚Stories' auf die heutigen EU-Außengrenzen {\"u}bertragen. Nach ‚innen' handelt die EU dabei nach einem Grundsatz der ‚gemeinsamen St{\"a}rke' der europ{\"a}ischen Staaten bzw. der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, w{\"a}hrend nach ‚außen' eine zweckrationale Kooperation mit Drittstaaten verfolgt wird. Statt um die Wahrung von Menschenleben geht es damals wie heute v.a. um den Vorteil Europas bzw. der EU. Von diesen Ergebnissen ausgehend wird die Zunahme der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration an den EU-Außengrenzen durch die Reproduktion des geschichtlich entstandenen Sicherheitsdenkens erkl{\"a}rt.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Knobloch2021,
  author    = {Knobloch, J{\"o}rn},
  title     = {Rezension zu: Manow, Philip: (Ent‑)Demokratisierung der Demokratie. - Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2020. - 215 S. - ISBN: 978-3-518-76552-4},
  series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
  volume    = {62},
  journal   = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-518-12753-7},
  issn      = {0032-3470},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11615-020-00292-w},
  pages     = {171 -- 173},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Kuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective},
  series = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  editor    = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-83910-663-7},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013},
  pages     = {111 -- 132},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannBogumil2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {The Digitalisation of Local Public Services},
  series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  journal   = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_8},
  pages     = {101 -- 113},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The digital transformation of the local public sector is an important step towards making local service delivery more citizen-centred and user-oriented. The state of digitalisation in public administration in Germany is, however, well behind the far-reaching hopes associated with this modernisation theme. This chapter will explore the question as to what extent digital tools have been introduced in German local governments, more specifically in local one-stop shops (B{\"u}rger{\"a}mter), which hurdles local actors face when coping with the digital transformation, and which tools impact on citizens and local employees as well as have unintended effects and dysfunctionalities so far. A comprehensive and standardised survey amongst mayors and heads of staff councils in German municipalities as well as citizens and employees' surveys and case studies will form the empirical basis of this chapter.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannBouckaertGallietal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bouckaert, Geert and Galli, Davide and Reiter, Renate and van Hecke, Steven},
  title     = {Opportunity management of the COVID-19 pandemic},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, California},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852321992102},
  pages     = {497 -- 517},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This article provides a conceptual framework for the analysis of COVID-19 crisis governance in the first half of 2020 from a cross-country comparative perspective. It focuses on the issue of opportunity management, that is, how the crisis was used by relevant actors of distinctly different administrative cultures as a window of opportunity. We started from an overall interest in the factors that have influenced the national politics of crisis management to answer the question of whether and how political and administrative actors in various countries have used the crisis as an opportunity to facilitate, accelerate or prevent changes in institutional settings. The objective is to study the institutional settings and governance structures, (alleged) solutions and remedies, and constellations of actors and preferences that have influenced the mode of crisis and opportunity management. Finally, the article summarizes some major comparative findings drawn from the country studies of this Special Issue, focusing on similarities and differences in crisis responses and patterns of opportunity management.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{KuhlmannFranzkeDumasetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heine, Moreen},
  title     = {Daten als Grundlage f{\"u}r wissenschaftliche Politikberatung},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51968},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-519683},
  pages     = {67},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung f{\"u}r die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabw{\"a}gung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verst{\"a}ndnis f{\"u}r die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzusch{\"a}tzen. Die Studie hat dar{\"u}ber hinaus vielf{\"a}ltige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verf{\"u}gbarkeit, Qualit{\"a}t, Zug{\"a}nglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbest{\"a}nde f{\"u}r eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefensch{\"a}rfe und Differenziertheit des verf{\"u}gbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. f{\"u}r sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder f{\"u}r kleinr{\"a}umige Daten {\"u}ber Belastungs- und Kapazit{\"a}tsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheits{\"a}mtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bez{\"u}glich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Pr{\"a}vention, aber auch h{\"a}usliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eind{\"a}mmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietsk{\"o}rperschaftlichen Ebene. Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein „Mehr" an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualit{\"a}t, Verkn{\"u}pfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr m{\"u}ssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Pr{\"a}gungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es m{\"u}ssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das K{\"o}nnen (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu st{\"a}rken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten f{\"u}r Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen: (1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams, (2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren, (3) St{\"a}rkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltung, (4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilit{\"a}t und Registermodernisierung, (5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung, (6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung, (7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repr{\"a}sentativen Datensatzes, (8) F{\"o}rderung der europ{\"a}ischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{KuhlmannHellstromRambergetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Hellstrom, Mikael and Ramberg, Ulf and Reiter, Renate},
  title     = {Tracing divergence in crisis governance},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852320979359},
  pages     = {556 -- 575},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannHellstroemRambergetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Hellstr{\"o}m, Mikael and Ramberg, Ulf and Reiter, Renate},
  title     = {Tracing divergence in crisis governance},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, California},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852320979359},
  pages     = {556 -- 575},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannHeuberger2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz},
  title     = {Digital transformation going local},
  series = {Public money \& management},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Public money \& management},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0954-0962},
  doi       = {10.1080/09540962.2021.1939584},
  pages     = {147 -- 155},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Digital government constitutes the most important trend of post-NPM reforms at the local level. Based on the results of a research project on local one-stop shops, this article analyses the current state of digitalization in German local authorities. The authors explain the hurdles of implementation as well as the impact on staff members and citizens, providing explanations and revealing general interrelations between institutional changes, impacts, and context factors of digital transformation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{KuhlmannHeubergerDumas2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Kommunale Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit im europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich. Autonomie, Aufgaben und Reformen},
  series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors},
  volume    = {48},
  journal   = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors},
  number    = {1},
  editor    = {Fleischer, Julia and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-7489-2330-5},
  issn      = {0945-1072},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783748923305},
  pages     = {9 -- 124},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Angesichts neuer globaler Herausforderungen geh{\"o}rt eine starke kommunale Ebene zu den Grundvoraussetzungen gesellschaftlicher Probleml{\"o}sungsf{\"a}higkeit. Die St{\"a}rkung kommunaler Selbstverwaltung ist daher ein wichtiges institutionen- und verwaltungspolitisches Zukunftsthema, zu welchem die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag leisten m{\"o}chte.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{KuhlmannWayenbergBergstroemetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen and Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {The Essence and Transformation of Local Self-Government in Western Europe},
  series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  journal   = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56059-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 14},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {All over Europe, cities and municipalities face new and numerous challenges to uphold their unique self-governing role in society. This intriguing reality underscores this volume's ambition of brightening the future of local self-government. After further elaborating on this relevant background and the approach taken, the first chapter introduces three main dimensions of analysis. They are key to the volume's subsequent parts on the essence of local government's autonomy, its transformations in the light of digitalisation, marketisation and amalgamation and, finally, its changing intergovernmental relations concerning supervision and subnational policy-making. This volume covers eight countries, spread over Europe. And so, this introductory chapter ends with highlighting main features of the different local government systems involved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2021,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The dance of peace and justice},
  series = {International peacekeeping},
  journal   = {International peacekeeping},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1353-3312},
  doi       = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726},
  pages     = {783 -- 812},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof},
  title     = {The heart of bureaucratic power},
  series = {Review of international studies : RIS},
  volume    = {47},
  journal   = {Review of international studies : RIS},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0260-2105},
  doi       = {10.1017/S026021052100005X},
  pages     = {353 -- 376},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Mackert2021,
  author    = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74538-7},
  pages     = {1 -- 13},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Malmedie2021,
  author    = {Malmedie, Lydia},
  title     = {Translating and organzing a wicked problem},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Niroomand2021,
  author    = {Niroomand, Kian},
  title     = {Wandlungsf{\"a}hige Verwaltungen},
  publisher = {gito},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-95545-400-5},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {660},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
  author    = {Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
  series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1085-794X},
  doi       = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
  pages     = {329 -- 343},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RoeStreckBeachetal.2021,
  author    = {Roe, Stephanie and Streck, Charlotte and Beach, Robert and Busch, Jonah and Chapman, Melissa and Daioglou, Vassilis and Deppermann, Andre and Doelman, Jonathan and Emmet-Booth, Jeremy and Engelmann, Jens and Fricko, Oliver and Frischmann, Chad and Funk, Jason and Grassi, Giacomo and Griscom, Bronson and Havlik, Petr and Hanssen, Steef and Humpen{\"o}der, Florian and Landholm, David and Lomax, Guy and Lehmann, Johannes and Mesnildrey, Leah and Nabuurs, Gert-Jan and Popp, Alexander and Rivard, Charlotte and Sanderman, Jonathan and Sohngen, Brent and Smith, Pete and Stehfest, Elke and Woolf, Dominic and Lawrence, Deborah},
  title     = {Land-based measures to mitigate climate change},
  series = {Global change biology},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {Global change biology},
  number    = {23},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1365-2486},
  doi       = {10.1111/gcb.15873},
  pages     = {6025 -- 6058},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Land-based climate mitigation measures have gained significant attention and importance in public and private sector climate policies. Building on previous studies, we refine and update the mitigation potentials for 20 land-based measures in >200 countries and five regions, comparing "bottom-up" sectoral estimates with integrated assessment models (IAMs). We also assess implementation feasibility at the country level. Cost-effective (available up to \$100/tCO2eq) land-based mitigation is 8-13.8 GtCO2eq yr-1 between 2020 and 2050, with the bottom end of this range representing the IAM median and the upper end representing the sectoral estimate. The cost-effective sectoral estimate is about 40\% of available technical potential and is in line with achieving a 1.5°C pathway in 2050. Compared to technical potentials, cost-effective estimates represent a more realistic and actionable target for policy. The cost-effective potential is approximately 50\% from forests and other ecosystems, 35\% from agriculture, and 15\% from demand-side measures. The potential varies sixfold across the five regions assessed (0.75-4.8 GtCO2eq yr-1) and the top 15 countries account for about 60\% of the global potential. Protection of forests and other ecosystems and demand-side measures present particularly high mitigation efficiency, high provision of co-benefits, and relatively lower costs. The feasibility assessment suggests that governance, economic investment, and socio-cultural conditions influence the likelihood that land-based mitigation potentials are realized. A substantial portion of potential (80\%) is in developing countries and LDCs, where feasibility barriers are of greatest concern. Assisting countries to overcome barriers may result in significant quantities of near-term, low-cost mitigation while locally achieving important climate adaptation and development benefits. Opportunities among countries vary widely depending on types of land-based measures available, their potential co-benefits and risks, and their feasibility. Enhanced investments and country-specific plans that accommodate this complexity are urgently needed to realize the large global potential from improved land stewardship.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2021,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender at the crossroads},
  series = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1753-9153},
  doi       = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061},
  pages     = {533 -- 558},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{SchapkowJacob2021,
  author    = {Schapkow, Carsten and Jacob, Frank},
  title     = {Nationalism in a Transnational Age},
  editor    = {Schapkow, Carsten and Jacob, Frank},
  publisher = {De Gruyter Oldenbourg},
  address   = {Berlin, Boston},
  isbn      = {978-3-11-072929-0},
  doi       = {10.1515/9783110729290-001},
  pages     = {230},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Nationalism was declared to be dead too early. A postnational age was announced, and liberalism claimed to have been victorious by the end of the Cold War. At the same time postnational order was proclaimed in which transnational alliances like the European Union were supposed to become more important in international relations. But we witnessed the rise a strong nationalism during the early 21st century instead, and right wing parties are able to gain more and more votes in elections that are often characterized by nationalist agendas. This volume shows how nationalist dreams and fears alike determine politics in an age that was supposed to witness a rather peaceful coexistence by those who consider transnational ideas more valuable than national demands. It will deal with different case studies to show why and how nationalism made its way back to the common consciousness and which elements stimulated the re-establishment of the aggressive nation state. The volume will therefore look at the continuities of empire, actual and imagined, the role of "foreign-" and "otherness" for nationalist narratives, and try to explain how globalization stimulated the rise of 21st century nationalisms as well.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Schindler2021,
  author    = {Schindler, Eva Marie},
  title     = {"What we have done is just to put the people in form of a structure"},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XIV, 288},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Participation has become an orthodoxy in the field of development, an essential element of projects and programmes. This book analyses participation in development interventions as an institutionalised expectation - a rationalized myth - and examines how organisations on different levels of government process it. At least two different objectives of participation are appropriate and legitimate for international organisations in the field: the empowerment of local beneficiaries and the achievement of programme goals. Both integrate participatory forums into the organisational logic of development interventions. Local administrations react to the institutionalised expectation with means-ends decoupling, where participatory forums are implemented superficially but de facto remain marginalised in local administrative processes and activities. The book furthermore provides a thick description of the organisationality of participation in development interventions. Participatory forums are shown to be a form of partial organisation. They establish an order in the relationship between administrations and citizens through the introduction of rules and the creation of a defined membership. At the same time, this order is found to be fragile and subject to criticism and negotiation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Schuppert2021,
  author    = {Schuppert, Fabian},
  title     = {Zur Auferlegung systemischer Finanzrisiken},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r politische Theorie},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r politische Theorie},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1869-3016},
  doi       = {10.3224/zpth.v12i1.05},
  pages     = {67 -- 83},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Obwohl seit der Finanzkrise 2008 systemische Finanzrisiken das Objekt zahlreicher wissenschaftlicher Studien waren, hat die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen und Umst{\"a}nden die Auferlegung eines systemischen Finanzrisikos moralisch unzul{\"a}ssig ist, bisher kaum Beachtung gefunden. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist es, eine Reihe von normativen Kriterien f{\"u}r die Einsch{\"a}tzung der moralischen Unzul{\"a}ssigkeit von systemischen Risiken zu entwickeln. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus wird argumentiert, dass staatliche und andere relevante Institutionen zwei zentrale Pflichten hinsichtlich des Umgangs mit systemischen Finanzrisiken haben: eine Schutzpflicht gegen{\"u}ber allen B{\"u}rger*innen und eine Sorgfaltspflicht, um die diesen Institutionen obliegenden Kontroll- und Aufsichtsfunktionen verantwortungsvoll auszu{\"u}ben.},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Schweiger2021,
  author    = {Schweiger, Stefan},
  title     = {Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende - Sozialwissenschaftliche Erz{\"a}hlforschung als Methodik nachhaltigkeitsorientierter Politikwissenschaft},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {261},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende: Erz{\"a}hlungen beherrschen die Interpretation des politischen Geschehens mehr als formal und methodisch strenge Argumentationsketten. Dies gilt insbesondere f{\"u}r Demokratien. In Demokratien gilt es zu {\"u}berzeugen und auch zu {\"u}berreden, um Macht zu erhalten, Macht zu sichern oder Akzeptanz f{\"u}r bestimmte politische Vorhaben zu generieren. Diese simple Feststellung l{\"a}sst zwei Schl{\"u}sse f{\"u}r eine transformativ ausgerichtete Politikwissenschaft zu. Erstens k{\"o}nnen transformative Narrative produziert werden, die das Auftreten von {\"o}kologisch, sozial, {\"o}konomisch und kulturell nachhaltigem wahrscheinlicher machen, Zweitens k{\"o}nnen die Narrative von nachhaltiger wie nicht-nachhaltiger Transformation analysiert werden. Beiden Aufgaben widmet sich die Dissertationsschrift. Dabei werden f{\"u}r den transformativen Teil ethnografisch erhobene Daten zu f{\"u}nf transformativen Narrativen verdichtet, die Vorw{\"a}rts- und Vorbildcharakter haben. In den f{\"u}nf Aufs{\"a}tzen wurde auf Diversit{\"a}t zwischen den beschriebenen Protagonisten geachtet, sodass eine breite Leser*innenschaft angesprochen wird. Im analytischen Part wird in einem Aufsatz {\"u}ber diese Vorgehen reflektiert und die Form beschrieben durch die transformative Narrative Wirksamkeit entfalten. Dabei gilt immer, dass die Wissenschaft keine Narrative selbst setzt, sondern mittels nachvollziehbarer Methoden Daten zum Sprechen bringt. Dies ist unter review-Bedingungen gelungen. Neben eines Einsatz von Narrativen in Fragen der Gestaltung der neu entstandenen und weiter entstehenden Energielandschaften behandelt diese Dissertationsschrift a, diskursstrangorientierte als auch institutionsorientierte Erz{\"a}hlungen {\"u}ber die Energiewende. Dabei wurden diskursstrangorientiert die unterschiedlichen Erz{\"a}hlungen der und {\"u}ber energieintensive Unternehmen bez{\"u}glich der EEG-Umlage untersucht und kategorisiert und die Metaphern der Energiewende im Magazin DER SPIEGEL erhoben und analysiert. Institutionsorientiert wurde die Energiewendeerz{\"a}hlung der Partei `Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland´, die Bildsprache des Wirtschaftsministeriums an Hand eines Beispiels sowie die Nachhaltigkeitserz{\"a}hlungen der Zukunftsinstitut GmbH. Schließlich wird nach messbaren Folgen des Nachhaltigkeitsnarrativs in drei Regionen des Rhein-Maas-Gebiets gefragt, was die Arbeit abrunden soll.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{SchaeppiRutzDaehleretal.2021,
  author    = {Sch{\"a}ppi, Remo and Rutz, David and D{\"a}hler, Fabian and Muroyama, Alexander and Haueter, Philipp and Lilliestam, Johan and Patt, Anthony and Furler, Philipp and Steinfeld, Aldo},
  title     = {Drop-in fuels from sunlight and air},
  series = {Nature : the international weekly journal of science},
  volume    = {601},
  journal   = {Nature : the international weekly journal of science},
  number    = {7891},
  publisher = {Macmillan Publishers Limited, part of Springer Nature},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0028-0836},
  doi       = {10.1038/s41586-021-04174-y},
  pages     = {63 -- 80},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Aviation and shipping currently contribute approximately 8\% of total anthropogenic CO2 emissions, with growth in tourism and global trade projected to increase this contribution further(1-3). Carbon-neutral transportation is feasible with electric motors powered by rechargeable batteries, but is challenging, if not impossible, for long-haul commercial travel, particularly airtravel(4). A promising solution are drop-in fuels (synthetic alternatives for petroleum-derived liquid hydrocarbon fuels such as kerosene, gasoline or diesel) made from H2O and CO2 by solar-driven processes(5-7).Among the many possible approaches, the thermochemical path using concentrated solar radiation as the source of high-temperature process heat offers potentially high production rates and efficiencies(8), and can deliver truly carbon-neutral fuels if the required CO2 is obtained directly from atmospheric air(9) . If H2O is also extracted from air(10), feedstock sourcing and fuel production can be colocated in desert regions with high solar irradiation and limited accessto water resources. While individual steps of such a scheme have been implemented, here we demonstrate the operation of the entire thermochemical solar fuel production chain, from H2O and CO2 captured directly from ambient air to the synthesis of drop-in transportation fuels (for example, methanol and kerosene), with a modular 5 kW(thermal) pilot-scale solar system operated under field conditions. We further identify the research and development efforts and discuss the economic viability and policies required to bring these solar fuels to market.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Seyfried2021,
  author    = {Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Bundesrechnungshof},
  series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  editor    = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard},
  edition   = {8., {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-23665-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_20},
  pages     = {80 -- 82},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Der Bundesrechnungshof schaut mittlerweile auf eine {\"u}ber 300 j{\"a}hrige Geschichte der Finanzkontrolle zur{\"u}ck (vgl. Engels 2014). Auch wenn Aufgaben und Organisation damaliger Rechenkammern bestenfalls rudiment{\"a}r mit den Einrichtungen moderner Finanzkontrolle vergleichbar sind, so legten sie doch einst deren Grundstein. Heute ist der Bundesrechnungshof eine oberste Bundesbeh{\"o}rde und pr{\"u}ft laut Artikel 114 Abs. 2 GG die „Rechnung sowie die Wirtschaftlichkeit und Ordnungsm{\"a}ßigkeit der Haushalts- und Wirtschaftsf{\"u}hrung des Bundes." Weitere Regelungen f{\"u}r den Bundesrechnungshof finden sich in der Bundeshaushaltsordnung (BHO, hier Teil V Rechnungspr{\"u}fung bis Teil VIII Entlastung, \S\S 88 bis 114) und im Bundesrechnungshofgesetz (BRHG vom 11.07.1985, mit letzter {\"A}nderung vom 05.02.2009).},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021,
  author    = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus},
  title     = {Decision-making in international organizations},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x},
  pages     = {815 -- 845},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Sonat2021,
  author    = {Sonat, Duygu},
  title     = {Institutional change in the Turkish Social Assistance System},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {194},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Sprinz2021,
  author    = {Sprinz, Detlef F.},
  title     = {Effectiveness},
  series = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance},
  booktitle = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance},
  editor    = {Morin, Jean-Fr{\´e}d{\´e}ric and Orsini, Amandine},
  edition   = {Second edition},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-41869-4},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780367816681-34},
  pages     = {80 -- 83},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Stemmer2021,
  author    = {Stemmer, Robert},
  title     = {Strategic business model innovation},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Streck2021,
  author    = {Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {REDD+ and leakage},
  series = {Climate policy},
  volume    = {21},
  journal   = {Climate policy},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1469-3062},
  doi       = {10.1080/14693062.2021.1920363},
  pages     = {843 -- 852},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {A corporate appetite for greenhouse gas reduction from nature-based solutions, in general, and REDD+, in particular, is driving a rapidly growing voluntary carbon market. The interest to invest in solutions that avoid or reduce deforestation holds the potential to significantly support national efforts to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goals. However, controversy over leakage coupled with confusion and insufficient understanding of spill-over and displacement effects risk holding back necessary investments. This article seeks to shed light on different concepts surrounding leakage, including underlying dynamics and possible solutions on how to address them. In doing so, it makes the case for integrating avoided deforestation projects into national REDD+ strategies and highlights the need for a multi-level and multi-actor approach towards REDD+. Leakage occurs at all levels of implementation of REDD+ activities, at the project, programme and policy level, and both within and beyond national boundaries. Local leakage can largely be controlled through project design that analyses and addresses the proximate causes of leakage and underlying drivers, however, leakage is more difficult to avoid at the programme or policy level. Market leakage is particularly complex and harder to manage, but can - to a certain extent - be modelled and accounted for. Successful REDD+ efforts will combine demand-side measures with national or jurisdictional programmes that support governance reforms and integrate local investments in nature-based solutions and avoided deforestation projects. Key policy insights Emissions leakage is a ubiquitous phenomenon in climate mitigation that occurs at all levels of implementation. However, it is of particular concern in the case of REDD+, where reduced deforestation in one geographical area can lead to an increase in forest loss in another area. Leakage has to be managed and monitored at different scales: locally through avoided deforestation projects that address local drivers of deforestation; nationally through well-designed REDD+ policies; and internationally, among others, through demand-side standards in countries importing forest-risk commodities. Larger-scale programmes that link government interventions with efforts to eliminate deforestation from commodity supply chains, conservation efforts and avoided deforestation projects can limit leakage while helping to integrate various conservation and financing strategies. 'Nesting' of avoided deforestation projects into larger REDD+ programmes, at sub-national or national scale, allows for the integration of greenhouse gas accounting across different scales of implementation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Streck2021,
  author    = {Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {Strengthening the Paris Agreement by holding non-state actors accountable},
  series = {Transnational environmental law},
  volume    = {10},
  journal   = {Transnational environmental law},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {2047-1025},
  doi       = {10.1017/S2047102521000091},
  pages     = {493 -- 515},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While the intergovernmental climate regime increasingly recognizes the role of non-state actors in achieving the goals of the Paris Agreement (PA), the normative linkages between the intergovernmental climate regime and the non-state dominated 'transnational partnership governance' remain vague and tentative. A formalized engagement of the intergovernmental climate regime with transnational partnerships can increase the effectiveness of partnerships in delivering on climate mitigation and adaptation, thereby complementing rather than replacing government action. The proposed active engagement with partnerships would include (i) collecting and analyzing information to develop and prioritize areas for transnational and partnership engagement; (ii) defining minimum criteria and procedural requirements to be listed on an enhanced Non-state Actor Zone for Climate Action platform; (iii) actively supporting strategic initiatives; (iv) facilitating market or non-market finance as part of Article 6 PA; and (v) evaluating the effectiveness of partnerships in the context of the enhanced transparency framework (Article 13 PA) and the global stocktake (Article 14 PA). The UNFCCC Secretariat could facilitate engagement and problem solving by actively orchestrating transnational partnerships. Constructing effective implementation partnerships, recording their mitigation and adaptation goals, and holding them accountable may help to move climate talks from rhetoric to action.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Streck2021,
  author    = {Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {How voluntary carbon markets can drive climate ambition},
  series = {Journal of energy \& natural resources law : the journal of the Section on Energy and Natural Resources Law of the International Bar Association},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Journal of energy \& natural resources law : the journal of the Section on Energy and Natural Resources Law of the International Bar Association},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0264-6811},
  doi       = {10.1080/02646811.2021.1881275},
  pages     = {367 -- 374},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Over the last three years, corporate interest in voluntary carbon markets has almost tripled, and this trend has seemed to resist the COVID-19 economic fallout. If managed well, this market has the potential to become a very significant driver of mitigation action, in particular in developing countries, which supply the majority of voluntary carbon offsets. Robust standards and rules can overcome concerns that voluntary carbon markets could lead to company greenwashing and undermine the goals of the Paris Agreement. On the contrary, voluntary corporate investments can encourage more ambitious government climate action, and encourage governments to make more ambitious pledges under the Paris Agreement. Multisectoral mitigation partnerships can ensure the complementarity of public and private action and support policy alignment and investments in priority sectors and regions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Streck2021,
  author    = {Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {From laggards to leaders},
  series = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone},
  booktitle = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone},
  editor    = {Barnes, Richard and Long, Ron{\´a}n},
  publisher = {Brill Nijhoff},
  address   = {Leiden},
  isbn      = {978-90-04-37287-0},
  doi       = {10.1163/9789004372887_004},
  pages     = {75 -- 105},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track - the 'Non-state actor zone for global action' (nazca) - that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through 'nationally determined contributions'. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs. However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges. Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SuesserGaschnigCeglarzetal.2021,
  author    = {S{\"u}sser, Diana and Gaschnig, Hannes and Ceglarz, Andrzej and Stavrakas, Vassilis and Flamos, Alexandros and Lilliestam, Johan},
  title     = {Better suited or just more complex?},
  series = {Energy},
  volume    = {239},
  journal   = {Energy},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0360-5442},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.energy.2021.121909},
  pages     = {32},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Energy system models are advancing rapidly. However, it is not clear whether models are becoming better, in the sense that they address the questions that decision-makers need to be answered to make well-informed decisions. Therefore, we investigate the gap between model improvements relevant from the perspective of modellers compared to what users of model results think models should address. Thus, we ask: What are the differences between energy model improvements as perceived by modellers, and the actual needs of users of model results? To answer this question, we conducted a literature review, 32 interviews, and an online survey. Our results show that user needs and ongoing improvements of energy system models align to a large degree so that future models are indeed likely to be better than current models. We also find mismatches between the needs of modellers and users, especially in the modelling of social, behavioural and political aspects, the trade-off between model complexity and understandability, and the ways that model results should be communicated. Our findings suggest that a better understanding of user needs and closer cooperation between modellers and users is imperative to truly improve models and unlock their full potential to support the transition towards climate neutrality in Europe.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ThielePruin2021,
  author    = {Thiele, Lukas and Pruin, Andree},
  title     = {Does large-scale digital collaboration contribute to crisis management?},
  series = {der moderne staat - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {der moderne staat - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management},
  number    = {2-2021},
  publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1865-7192},
  doi       = {10.3224/dms.v14i2.07},
  pages     = {334 -- 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In recent years, collaborative approaches to crisis management involving citizens have gained increasing attention. One example is the \#WirVsVirus hackathon, which was conducted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and had over 28,000 participants. Because research on large-scale, digital collaboration in crisis situations is scarce, consequences of their use in crisis management remain unclear. This article relies on the open governance paradigm as a lens for studying two projects emerging from the hackathon. Based on nine qualitative expert interviews, we ask how digital open governance affects governance capacity and legitimacy in crisis management. Our findings suggest that digital open governance can contribute to governance capacity and legitimacy, as it mobilises large, diverse groups of citizens to quickly develop citizen-centric, ready-to-use solutions for crisisrelated problems. However, we also identified potential problems, including risks regarding legitimacy and accountability, difficulties with scalable solutions, and questionable long-term impacts.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Wanckel2021,
  author    = {Wanckel, Camilla},
  title     = {Introducing a digital tool for sustainability impact assessments within the German Federal Government},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences},
  volume    = {89},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, California},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523211047093},
  pages     = {433 -- 449},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This study examines the institutionalization of information technologies for policy formulation by investigating the case of eNAP. The digital tool was introduced in the spring of 2018 with the aim of supporting and improving sustainability impact assessments (SIAs) within the German Federal Government. Applying a neo-institutional perspective, this study shows how a tool like eNAP is embedded into prevailing regulative, normative, and cultural-cognitive structures. Findings from 10 semi-structured interviews indicate that the application of eNAP varies according to intra-ministerial coordination practices and portfolio-specific information-processing schemata. Overall, the tool serves to translate the abstract regulation to conduct an SIA, as well as to translate the vague norm of "sustainability" into a concrete assessment requirement, thereby helping increase policy officials' awareness of sustainability goals. However, consistent with previous studies, great importance is not attached to SIAs in policy formulation, and prevailing norms and routines make the implementation of eNAP to increase the use of evidence or in-depth considerations of policy alternatives and their consequences unlikely.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-50023,
  title     = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  journal   = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  editor    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50979-8},
  issn      = {2523-8256},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8},
  pages     = {XXV, 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-63402,
  title     = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  series = {Potsdamer Beitraege zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung},
  volume    = {2},
  journal   = {Potsdamer Beitraege zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  issn      = {2628-4081},
  pages     = {350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Brandenburg ist das einzige ostdeutsche Bundesland, in dem die SPD seit 1990 durchg{\"a}ngig die Regierung f{\"u}hrt. Dennoch hat Brandenburg den h{\"o}chsten Anteil rechts motivierter Gewalttaten - und immer wieder feiern hier rechte Parteien bemerkenswerte Erfolge. In vier von sieben Legislaturperioden bildeten sie sogar Fraktionen im Landtag. Renommierte Fachleute aus Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften analysieren in diesem Band die politische Kultur des Bundeslands und die Landschaft der Rechtaußenparteien in den Jahren 1990 bis 2020 und stellen dabei Kontinuit{\"a}ten wie Br{\"u}che heraus. Gegenstand der Betrachtung sind neonazistische Kleinparteien, nicht mehr bestehende Parteien wie die DVU, fr{\"u}he populistische Experimente wie die Schill-Partei, aber auch die j{\"u}ngste Rechtsaußenpartei, die AfD, die zugleich auch die bisher erfolgreichste ist. Biographische Informationen Gideon Botsch, Prof. Dr. phil., geboren 1970, ist Politikwissenschaftler und leitet die Emil Julius Gumbel Forschungsstelle Antisemitismus und Rechtsextremismus an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Seit 2018 ist er Außerplanm{\"a}ßiger Professor an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Christoph Schulze, Dr., geboren 1979, studierte Publizistik und Kommunikationswissenschaft, Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie in Berlin. Er ist am Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum Potsdam in der Rechtsextremismusforschung t{\"a}tig.},
  language  = {de}
}