@book{TallbergBaeckstrandAartScholteetal.2023,
  author    = {Tallberg, Jonas and B{\"a}ckstrand, Karin and Aart Scholte, Jan and Sommerer, Thomas},
  title     = {SNS Democracy Council 2023},
  publisher = {SNS F{\"o}rlag},
  address   = {Stockholm},
  isbn      = {978-91-89754-06-5},
  pages     = {199},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Transboundary problems such as climate change, military conflicts, trade barriers, and refugee flows require increased collaboration across borders. This is to a large extent possible using existing international organizations. In such a case, however, they need to be considerably strengthened - while current trends take us in the opposite direction, according to the researchers in the SNS Democracy Council 2023.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer Nature},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5},
  pages     = {121 -- 162},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Yilmaz2018,
  author    = {Yilmaz, Zafer},
  title     = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey},
  series = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
  volume    = {29},
  journal   = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Duke Univ. Press},
  address   = {Durham},
  issn      = {1047-4552},
  doi       = {10.1215/10474552-7003168},
  pages     = {55 -- 77},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.},
  language  = {en}
}