@misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2}, pages = {25 -- 46}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {"Am Anfang stand die {\"U}berw{\"a}ltigung"}, series = {Erasmus von Rotterdam}, booktitle = {Erasmus von Rotterdam}, editor = {Sch{\"o}ppner, Ralf}, publisher = {Alibri Verlag}, address = {Aschaffenburg}, isbn = {978-3-86569-212-2}, pages = {19 -- 36}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{BotschSchulze2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph}, title = {"Come together in Rostock"}, series = {Brandspuren}, booktitle = {Brandspuren}, editor = {K{\"o}ssler, Till and Steuwer, Janosch}, publisher = {bbp, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0899-7}, pages = {128 -- 150}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @misc{Arnold2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Arnold, Maren}, title = {"Der Fall Collini" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51285}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-512851}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {75}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich die Politikdidaktik zunehmend mit dem Einsatz von Narrationen im Politikunterricht besch{\"a}ftigt, denn neben Sachtexten bietet auch die Belletristik die M{\"o}glichkeit, sich mit politischen Themen auseinanderzusetzen. Insbesondere die Literatur von Ferdinand von Schirach hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Anklang in der Gesellschaft gefunden. Von Schirachs Texte greifen gesellschaftskritische Themen auf, beleuchten diese aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und fordern zur Meinungsbildung heraus. Aus diesem Grund weisen von Schirachs Narrationen ein hohes Potential f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung auf. Politische Bildung schließt auch die Rechterziehung ein. Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach setzt sich sowohl mit rechtlichen, als auch mit politischen Themen im Sinne der Rechtserziehung auseinander. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit der Roman Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration eine Chance f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht darstellt. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, werden die Lernchancen und -grenzen des Romans hinsichtlich seiner Thematik und seines Genres, sowie durch den Roman gef{\"o}rderten Kompetenzen herausgearbeitet und die durch ihn m{\"o}glichen f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden Bez{\"u}ge verdeutlicht. Durch die Auseinandersetzung mit von Schirachs Werk besch{\"a}ftigen sich die Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler mit politisch-rechtlichen Themen, wie dem Spannungsverh{\"a}ltnis von Recht und Gerechtigkeit, dem Ablauf von Strafgerichtsverfahren, dem theoretischen Anspruch des Rechtsstaates und dessen realen Schw{\"a}chen. Zudem f{\"o}rdert die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Roman Der Fall Collini die vier fachbezogenen Kompetenzen der Politischen Bildung, sowie Multiperspektivit{\"a}t und exemplarisches Lernen. Des Weiteren verkn{\"u}pft der Roman historische, politisch-rechtliche und moralisch-ethische Aspekte miteinander, wodurch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifende Bez{\"u}ge mit den F{\"a}chern Geschichte, Deutsch und L-E-R hergestellt werden k{\"o}nnen. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus spricht der Justizroman als Narration seine Leserinnen und Leser auch emotional an und f{\"o}rdert somit eine ganzheitliche und nachhaltige Wissensvermittlung im Sinne der Rechtserziehung. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach sich f{\"u}r die unterrichtliche Besch{\"a}ftigung innerhalb der Politischen Bildung besonders eignet.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {"Juden, die Kinderblut trinken"}, series = {Umbr{\"u}che : Neues und Altes aus der j{\"u}dischen Welt}, booktitle = {Umbr{\"u}che : Neues und Altes aus der j{\"u}dischen Welt}, editor = {Dachs, Gisela}, publisher = {Suhrkamp Verlag J{\"u}discher Verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-633-54326-7}, pages = {156 -- 164}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Angermann2023, author = {Angermann, Eric}, title = {"Tritt - oder du wirst getreten"}, series = {Rechte Gewalt : aktuelle Analysen und zeithistorische Perspektiven auf das Land Brandenburg}, booktitle = {Rechte Gewalt : aktuelle Analysen und zeithistorische Perspektiven auf das Land Brandenburg}, publisher = {Metropol}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-86331-716-4}, pages = {192 -- 222}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {"Wann I' denk wie's fr{\"u}her war."}, series = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik}, booktitle = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik}, editor = {von Appen, Ralf and Hindrichs, Thorsten}, publisher = {transcript}, address = {Bielefeld}, isbn = {9783837655810}, doi = {10.14361/9783839455814}, pages = {15 -- 29}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The successful Austrian pop-musician Andreas Gabalier has devoted several of his songs to his Styrian homeland. Gabalier's work and performance has often been per-ceived as nationalist. When analyzing some of his lyrics, an astonishing observation can be made: Most references to the »homeland« are backward-looking. This article argues that the remarkable lack of a national »future« in Gabalier's work is charac-teristic for contemporary nationalist manifestations, not only in popular culture, but also in ideologies and politics. The article introduces a new typology of nationalist movements. With regard to the character of the related nation-state, three types are discussed: »constructive nationalism« whereby the nationalist movement strives for a future sovereign nation state; »maintaining nationalism« wherein a nation state already exists; and »reconstructive nationalism« where nationalists believe that the nation state has lost its independence, sovereignty, and freedom in the course of globalization and hope for a reconstruction. However, these types are defined here as »ideal types« in a Weberian sense and will hardly be found in their »pure« forms in history or social reality.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Schindler2021, author = {Schindler, Eva Marie}, title = {"What we have done is just to put the people in form of a structure"}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XIV, 288}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Participation has become an orthodoxy in the field of development, an essential element of projects and programmes. This book analyses participation in development interventions as an institutionalised expectation - a rationalized myth - and examines how organisations on different levels of government process it. At least two different objectives of participation are appropriate and legitimate for international organisations in the field: the empowerment of local beneficiaries and the achievement of programme goals. Both integrate participatory forums into the organisational logic of development interventions. Local administrations react to the institutionalised expectation with means-ends decoupling, where participatory forums are implemented superficially but de facto remain marginalised in local administrative processes and activities. The book furthermore provides a thick description of the organisationality of participation in development interventions. Participatory forums are shown to be a form of partial organisation. They establish an order in the relationship between administrations and citizens through the introduction of rules and the creation of a defined membership. At the same time, this order is found to be fragile and subject to criticism and negotiation.}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {(Moralisch) guter Sex}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Praktische Philosophie}, number = {2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.2.2}, pages = {49 -- 78}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In einem k{\"u}rzlich erschienenen Artikel argumentiert Almut v. Wedelstaedt {\"u}berzeugend, warum Zustimmung zwar „die Bedingung f{\"u}r die Legitimation von Sex" ist (2020, 127), dass die moralische G{\"u}te von Sex aber nur dann einzusch{\"a}tzen ist, wenn wir darauf achten, ob die Beteiligten der Handlung sich auf Augenh{\"o}he begegnen. Die Idee ist: Es gibt legitime sexuelle Handlungen, die moralisch gut sind, und es gibt legitime sexuelle Handlungen, die moralisch besser sind. Hier m{\"o}chte ich die Idee des besseren Sexes genauer ausloten. W{\"a}hrend v. Wedelstaedt von moralisch gelungenem Sex spricht und somit auf der Ebene der moralischen Bewertung von Sex bleibt, m{\"o}chte ich die Frage danach stellen, was Sex qualitativ gut macht. Tats{\"a}chlich wird in der Zustimmungsdebatte meist davon ausgegangen, dass diese zwei Fragen wenig gemeinsam haben; ob eine sexuelle Handlung legitim ist, hat zun{\"a}chst nichts damit zu tun, ob diese auch gut ist. Ich werde drei Argumente liefern, warum wir legitimen Sex und qualitativ guten Sex zusammen betrachten sollten - und es wird sich zeigen, dass die gegenw{\"a}rtige philosophische und rechtstheoretische Debatte Zustimmung verk{\"u}rzt diskutiert und daher alleingenommen wenig hilfreich ist, stattdessen ben{\"o}tigt die Zustimmungsdebatte auch eine Untersuchung von qualitativ gutem Sex.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung}, series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, journal = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {7}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".}, language = {de} } @article{StaufferMengeshaSeifertetal.2022, author = {Stauffer, Maxime and Mengesha, Isaak and Seifert, Konrad and Krawczuk, Igor and Fischer, Jens and Serugendo, Giovanna Di Marzo}, title = {A computational turn in policy process studies}, series = {Complexity}, volume = {2022}, journal = {Complexity}, publisher = {Wiley-Hindawi}, address = {London}, issn = {1076-2787}, doi = {10.1155/2022/8210732}, pages = {17}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The past three decades of policy process studies have seen the emergence of a clear intellectual lineage with regard to complexity. Implicitly or explicitly, scholars have employed complexity theory to examine the intricate dynamics of collective action in political contexts. However, the methodological counterparts to complexity theory, such as computational methods, are rarely used and, even if they are, they are often detached from established policy process theory. Building on a critical review of the application of complexity theory to policy process studies, we present and implement a baseline model of policy processes using the logic of coevolving networks. Our model suggests that an actor's influence depends on their environment and on exogenous events facilitating dialogue and consensus-building. Our results validate previous opinion dynamics models and generate novel patterns. Our discussion provides ground for further research and outlines the path for the field to achieve a computational turn.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KriegerLiese2019, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {A Metamorphosis of International Law?}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {27}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-42608}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-426088}, pages = {26}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The paper aims to lay out a framework for evaluating value shifts in the international legal order for the purposes of a forthcoming book. In view of current contestations it asks whether we are observing yet another period of norm change (Wandel) or even a more fundamental transformation of international law - a metamorphosis (Verwandlung). For this purpose it suggests to look into the mechanisms of how norms change from the perspective of legal and political science and also to approximate a reference point where change turns into metamorphosis. It submits that such a point may be reached where specific legally protected values are indeed changing (change of legal values) or where the very idea of protecting certain values through law is renounced (delegalizing of values). The paper discusses the benefits of such an interdisciplinary exchange and tries to identify differences and commonalities among both disciplinary perspectives.}, language = {en} } @article{UllmannvonStaden2023, author = {Ullmann, Andreas J. and von Staden, Andreas}, title = {A room full of 'views'}, series = {Journal of conflict resolution}, volume = {68}, journal = {Journal of conflict resolution}, number = {2-3}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0022-0027}, doi = {10.1177/00220027231160460}, pages = {534 -- 561}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Quantitative research into the effectiveness of the UN human rights treaty bodies (UNTBs) in eliciting remedial responses from states is impeded by a lack of usable data on how states respond to their decisions. The new Treaty Body Views Dataset (TBVD) aims to fill this gap. It comprises details on all published decisions in individual complaints cases issued by the UNTBs between 1979 and 2019 and matches these with information on their state of compliance. The TBVD can be used for research on the activities of the treaty bodies, the nature of the decisions themselves, or state behavior following a decision. An empirical application illustrates how the TBVD can advance knowledge about the factors that correlate with compliance with adverse UNTB decisions. Results show that the likelihood of implementation hinges critically on decision-level characteristics, and reveal differences and similarities between compliance with UNTB decisions and regional human rights court judgments.}, language = {en} } @article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020, author = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Activating norm collisions}, series = {Global constitutionalism}, volume = {9}, journal = {Global constitutionalism}, number = {2}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {2045-3817}, doi = {10.1017/S2045381719000388}, pages = {290 -- 317}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.}, language = {en} } @article{HolzscheiterGholiaghaLiese2022, author = {Holzscheiter, Anna and Gholiagha, Sassan and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Advocacy coalition constellations and norm collisions}, series = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations}, volume = {36}, journal = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations}, number = {1}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1360-0826}, doi = {10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352}, pages = {25 -- 48}, year = {2022}, abstract = {To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas.}, language = {en} } @misc{Schmidt2023, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Schmidt, Philip}, title = {Afghanistan 2021? - Analysen und Perspektiven}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-60918}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-609183}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {100}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Der Einsatz in Afghanistan hat Deutschland insgesamt ca. 12 500 000 000 € gekostet und zivile und milit{\"a}rische Kr{\"a}fte 20 Jahre lang gebunden. Er endete im August des Jahres 2021 mit einem {\"u}bereilten Abzug aus Kabul und die urspr{\"u}nglich gesetzten Ziele wurden im Wesentlichen nicht erreicht. Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es, den Einsatz in Afghanistan von 2001 bis 2021 aus Sicht der BRD politikwissenschaftlich und v{\"o}lkerrechtlich aufzuarbeiten. Dazu wird folgende, {\"u}bergeordnete Forschungsfrage gestellt: Welche Lehren f{\"u}r die Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der BRD lassen sich aus dem Einsatz in Afghanistan ziehen? Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten wurde ein qualitativ deduktiver Ansatz gew{\"a}hlt, der unter Zuhilfenahme von Fachliteratur sowie Expert:inneninterviews versucht, den Einsatzverlauf zu skizzieren und Lehren f{\"u}r k{\"u}nftige, vergleichbare Humanit{\"a}re Interventionen aufzuzeigen.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Schrauth2022, author = {Schrauth, Philipp}, title = {Agglomerations, air quality and urban transformation}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-58608}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-586087}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {253}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Dissertation stellt empirische Untersuchungen {\"u}ber den Zusammenhang von st{\"a}dtischem Leben und dessen {\"o}konomische Kosten, insbesondere f{\"u}r die Umwelt, an. Dabei werden zum einen bestehende Forschungsl{\"u}cken des Einflusses von Bev{\"o}lkerungsdichte auf die Luftqualit{\"a}t geschlossen und zum anderen innovative Politikmaßnahmen im Verkehrsbereich untersucht, die Ballungsr{\"a}ume nachhaltiger gestalten sollen. Im Zentrum der Betrachtungen stehen Luftverschmutzung, Staus und Verkehrsunf{\"a}lle, die f{\"u}r Fragen der allgemeinen Wohlfahrt bedeutend sind und erhebliche Kostenfaktoren f{\"u}r urbanes Leben darstellen. Von ihnen ist ein betr{\"a}chtlicher Anteil der Weltbev{\"o}lkerung betroffen. W{\"a}hrend im Jahr 2018 bereits 55\% der Menschen weltweit in St{\"a}dten lebten, soll dieser Anteil bis zum Jahr 2050 ungef{\"a}hr 68\% betragen. Die vier in sich geschlossenen Kapitel dieser Arbeit lassen sich in zwei Abschnitte aufteilen: In den Kapiteln 2 und 3 werden neue kausale Erkenntnisse {\"u}ber das komplexe Zusammenspiel von st{\"a}dtischen Strukturen und Luftverschmutzung erbracht. Kapitel 4 und 5 untersuchen anschließend politische Maßnahmen zur F{\"o}rderung nicht-motorisierter Verkehrsmittel und deren Einfluss auf Luftqualit{\"a}t sowie Staugeschehen und Verkehrsunf{\"a}lle.}, language = {en} } @article{PoensgenSteinitz2020, author = {Poensgen, Daniel and Steinitz, Benjamin}, title = {Alltagspr{\"a}gende Erfahrungen sichtbar machen}, series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, journal = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {173 -- 197}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Schumacher2020, author = {Schumacher, Reinhard}, title = {Altering the pattern of trade in the wealth of nations}, series = {Journal of the history of economic thought}, volume = {42}, journal = {Journal of the history of economic thought}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {New York}, issn = {1053-8372}, doi = {10.1017/S1053837219000130}, pages = {19 -- 42}, year = {2020}, abstract = {There are three different interpretations of Adam Smith's trade theory in modern literature: first, the neoclassical theory of absolute advantage; second, an interpretation based on increasing returns; third, an interpretation of uneven development. These interpretations come to widely different conclusions, especially considering the development of the pattern of trade in Smith's theory. I discuss how these three interpretations emerged. They do not stem from a more detailed analysis of Smith's works itself but reflect changes within international trade theory. They all result from the fact that economists have imposed nineteenth- and twentieth-century modes of thoughts on Smith's theory, forcing his writings into later-developed theoretical frameworks. In contrast to classical economists in the nineteenth century, these subsequent interpretations misrepresent Smith's trade theory in order to portray him as a forerunner of later theories. The differing interpretations can thus be explained only against the backdrop of the development of international trade theory.}, language = {en} } @misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019, author = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena}, title = {An organizational approach to public governance}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {97}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12590}, pages = {483 -- 485}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).}, language = {en} } @article{Wanckel2022, author = {Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure}, series = {Government information quarterly}, volume = {39}, journal = {Government information quarterly}, number = {4}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {0740-624X}, doi = {10.1016/j.giq.2022.101705}, pages = {13}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Public sector organizations at all levels of government increasingly rely on Big Data Algorithmic Systems (BDAS) to support decision-making along the entire policy cycle. But while our knowledge on the use of big data continues to grow for government agencies implementing and delivering public services, empirical research on applications for anticipatory policy design is still in its infancy. Based on the concept of policy analytical capacity (PAC), this case study examines the application of BDAS for early crisis detection within the German Federal Government—that is, the German Federal Foreign Office (FFO) and the Federal Ministry of Defence (FMoD). It uses the nested model of PAC to reflect on systemic, organizational, and individual capacity-building from a neoinstitutional perspective and allow for the consideration of embedded institutional contexts. Results from semi-structured interviews indicate that governments seeking to exploit BDAS in policymaking depend on their institutional environment (e.g., through research and data governance infrastructure). However, specific capacity-building strategies may differ according to the departments' institutional framework, with the FMoD relying heavily on subordinate agencies and the FFO creating network-like structures with external researchers. Government capacity-building at the individual and organizational level is similarly affected by long-established institutional structures, roles, and practices within the organization and beyond, making it important to analyze these three levels simultaneously instead of separately.}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerGehring2021, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas}, title = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations}, series = {European journal of international relations}, volume = {27}, journal = {European journal of international relations}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1354-0661}, doi = {10.1177/1354066120987889}, pages = {753 -- 778}, year = {2021}, abstract = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.}, language = {en} } @article{HaenelHaslangerKroeger2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C. and Haslanger, Sally and Kroeger, Odin}, title = {Analyzing social wrongs}, series = {Journal of social philosophy}, volume = {53}, journal = {Journal of social philosophy}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {0047-2786}, doi = {10.1111/josp.12505}, pages = {448 -- 453}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Angriffe auf die Chancengleichheit}, series = {Welt-Trends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welt-Trends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, number = {185}, publisher = {WeltTrends - Potsdamer Wissenschaftsverlag}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {28 -- 33}, year = {2022}, abstract = {„Gender-Ideologie" und „Gender-Wahn"- diese Begriffe entstammen einem antifeministischen Diskurs, der ohne Bedrohungsszenarien nicht funktioniert. Feministische Errungenschaften - wie die Ehe f{\"u}r alle - werden zur Ursache pers{\"o}nlicher Nachteile umgedeutet. Seine Vertreter*innen verbreiten ihre (oft gewaltvollen) Narrative sowohl auf der Straße als auch im Internet. Antifeministische Bewegungen weisen zudem vielf{\"a}ltige Querverbindungen mit konservativen, nationalistischen, fundamentalreligi{\"o}sen und faschistischen Diskursen auf.}, language = {de} } @misc{Dannemann2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo}, title = {Antidemokratische Positionen und Einstellungen in Schulen}, publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Die Krisen der letzten Jahre machen antidemokratische Tendenzen in der Gesellschaft immer wieder sichtbar. Diskriminierende {\"A}ußerungen werden f{\"u}r Lehrkr{\"a}fte zu einer zunehmenden Herausforderung.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Antisemitismus}, series = {Themenheft Rassismus}, booktitle = {Themenheft Rassismus}, publisher = {Aktion Courage e. V. - Bundeskoordination Schule ohne Rassismus - Schule Mit Courage}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-933247-83-4}, pages = {34 -- 37}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Ist Antisemitismus ein Rassismus, der sich gegen J{\"u}dinnen und Juden richtet? Nein, er ist ein eigenst{\"a}ndiges Ph{\"a}nomen, zu dessen Besonderheiten geh{\"o}rt, dass er h{\"a}ufig mit einem System der Weltverschw{\"o}rung verkn{\"u}pft wird. Doch es gibt rassistischen Antisemitismus. Auch die Shoah basierte auf einer rassistischen Einteilung von Menschen.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Aporien des Rechts}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1405-3}, issn = {1864-6492}, pages = {196 -- 206}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{DebreDijkstra2023, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke}, title = {Are international organisations in decline?}, series = {Global policy}, volume = {14}, journal = {Global policy}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.13170}, pages = {16 -- 30}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Many international organisations (IOs) are currently challenged, yet are they also in decline? Despite much debate on the crisis of liberal international order, con-testation, loss of legitimacy, gridlock, pathologies and exiting member states, there is little research on IO decline. This article seeks to clarify this concept and argues that decline can be considered in absolute and relative terms. Absolute decline involves a decrease in the number of IOs and their authority, member-ship and output, whereas relative decline concerns a decrease in the centrality of IOs in international relations. Reviewing a wide range of indicators, this article argues that, whereas there is limited decline in absolute terms since 1945, there may well be important decline in relative terms. Relative decline is more difficult to measure, but to probe its significance this article presents data from speeches during the United Nations General Assembly General Debate. It shows that IOs were most often mentioned in 1996 and that there has been a decline since. These findings indicate that, whereas IOs might survive as institutions, they are decreasingly central to international relations.}, language = {en} } @article{GamarraLechonEscribanoetal.2021, author = {Gamarra, Ana Rosa and Lech{\´o}n, Yolanda and Escribano, Gonzalo and Lilliestam, Johan and L{\´a}zaro, Lara and Cald{\´e}s, Nat{\`a}lia}, title = {Assessing dependence and governance as value chain risks}, series = {Environmental impact assessment review}, volume = {93}, journal = {Environmental impact assessment review}, number = {106708}, publisher = {Elsevier Science}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {0195-9255}, doi = {10.1016/j.eiar.2021.106708}, pages = {12}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Despite geopolitics play a pivotal role in the energy sector, geopolitical aspects are often not considered in the quantitative assessment models aimed at supporting the energy investment decision-making process. To address this issue, this work proposes an Extended Multi-regional Input-Output model (EMRIO) that incorporates import dependence and governance along the value chain. As case study, two alternative energy investments in Mexico - a Natural Gas Power plant (NG) and a Concentrated Solar Power plant (CSP) - are assessed. The method quantifies the geographical diversification of suppliers and the quality of governance. The assessment of the case study shows that the supply chain of the CSP plant includes more countries and with better governance levels than the supply chain of the NG power plant. That means, a priori, that the supply risks of investing in CSP power plants will be lower, as will suppliers' endogenous geopolitical risk. However, a sensitivity analysis considering different providers of the solar plant components reveals that CSP plant value chain could also entail similar or even higher governance risks levels as the NG plant. The scenario where China provides some of the components entails a much higher governance risks, even higher than the NG base case. In consequence, we have proved that the method proposed allows the identification of hidden geopolitical risks that would otherwise go unnoticed. This paper enlarges the existing knowledge on assessment methodologies for energy policy decision-support by measuring diversification and imports dependence from countries with different levels of governance along the whole value chain.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Kambasu2023, author = {Kambasu, Obed}, title = {Attractiveness of government as an employer: The paradox of industrial action and public service attractiveness}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57654}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-576542}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xiii, 182, xxxi}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This research investigated the relationship between frequent engagement in industrial action (also known as 'employee strikes') and the internal attractiveness of government employment. It focused on a special group of public employees: public university lecturers and public-school teachers in Uganda who frequently engaged in industrial action. At the very basic level, the research explored whether public employees frequently engaged in industrial action because they considered public service employment to be unattractive or whether frequent engagement in industrial action was in fact part of the attractiveness of government employment. Beyond exploring these relationships, it also explained why (or why not) such relationships existed. Methodologically, the research was conducted using an exploratory sequential design - a mixed methods study design that starts with a qualitative followed by a quantitative phase. It is the results of the initial qualitative phase that determined the direction of the subsequent quantitative phase. The qualitative phase started with an exploration of the relationship between industrial action and internal public service attractiveness, resulting into two specific research questions: 1) Why do public employees engage in industrial action and what role does frequent engagement in industrial action play in their perception of public service attractiveness? 2) Why and how is organizational justice related to public employees' perception of public service attractiveness? The above questions were answered both qualitatively and quantitatively. The theoretical postulations of the Social Movements Theories, Social Exchange Theory, and the Signaling Theory were used to structure the research assumptions and hypotheses. The results showed that public employees engaged in industrial action mostly because of relative, rather than absolute deprivation. An established culture of workplace militancy was also found to be key in actualizing industrial action as was the (perceived) absence of alternatives to achieve workplace justice. Importantly, there was a clear dichotomy between absolute working conditions and frequent engagement in industrial action. Frequent engagement in industrial action was itself found to have both positive and negative effects on internal public service attractiveness. It was also found that public service attractiveness from the perspective of current public employees might be different from what it is from the perspective of prospective employees. This is because current public employees do not assume what it feels like to work for government, but mostly use their day-to-day lived experiences to judge the attractiveness of their employer. The existing literature is particularly deficient on analyzing public service attractiveness from an internal perspective, which is surprising given the public sector's high reliance on internal recruitment. The research results underlined key implications for theory, practice, and research. At theory level, the results suggested that public employee ratings of internal public service attractiveness were heavily affected by halo effects and should therefore not be taken at face value. The complex workplace social exchanges which are deeply rooted in organizational justice and the 'personification metaphor' were also emphasized. From an empirical perspective, the results underlined the need to prioritize internal public service attractiveness as recent research has confirmed the value of family socialization and internal recommendations in making public sector employment attractive, even to external applicants. This research argues that the centrality of organizational justice in public sector employee relations requires public sector organizations to be intentional in their bid to create fair, just, and attractive workplaces. Beyond assessing the fairness of personnel policies, procedures, and interactional relationships, it is also important to prepare and equip public managers with the right skills to promote and practice justice in their day-to-day interactions with public employees, and to encourage, improve, and facilitate alternative public employee feedback mechanisms.}, language = {en} } @article{Dieter2022, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {AUKUS und die strukturellen Ver{\"a}nderungen der sicherheitspolitischen Lage im indo-pazifischen Raum}, series = {SIRIUS - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Strategische Analysen}, volume = {6}, journal = {SIRIUS - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Strategische Analysen}, number = {2}, publisher = {De Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2510-263X}, doi = {10.1515/sirius-2022-2007}, pages = {210 -- 217}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Liese2020, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Autorit{\"a}t in den internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen}, volume = {27}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen}, number = {1}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, issn = {0946-7165}, doi = {10.5771/0946-7165-2020-1-97}, pages = {97 -- 109}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Beitrag setzt sich w{\"u}rdigend und kritisch mit Michael Z{\"u}rns Arbeiten zur internationalen Autorit{\"a}t auseinander. Dessen potenziell autoritatives Autorit{\"a}tskonzept weist mehrere Vorz{\"u}ge auf: Erstens bietet es eine Erkl{\"a}rung f{\"u}r ein Paradox. Warum sollten souver{\"a}ne Staaten die Kompetenz Externer anerkennen, ihnen Ratschl{\"a}ge zu geben bzw. Forderungen an sie zu richten, und zudem noch bereit sein, diesen zu folgen? Zweitens konkretisiert es die u.a. bei Hannah Arendt angelegte Idee der fraglosen Anerkennung, indem es Autorit{\"a}tsadressaten zugesteht, bestimmte Qualit{\"a}ten der Autorit{\"a}t zu pr{\"u}fen. Drittens entkoppelt es Legitimit{\"a}t und Autorit{\"a}t, ohne die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit von Autorit{\"a}t zu opfern. Dies anerkennend pl{\"a}diert der Beitrag aber daf{\"u}r, die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit internationaler Autorit{\"a}t nicht auf formal institutionalisierte Beziehungen zu reduzieren, sondern diese auch weiterhin auf informellere, d.h. der Praxis entstammende, Anerkennung und Folgebereitschaft innerhalb von Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu beziehen. Die {\"u}berzeugende begr{\"u}ndungstheoretische Fundierung von Autorit{\"a}t sollte zudem nicht dazu verf{\"u}hren, Sozialisationsprozesse in Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu {\"u}bersehen, zumal deren Legitimit{\"a}t kritisch hinterfragbar ist.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Außerschulische Lernorte, Narrationen und Theater}, series = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II}, booktitle = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II}, editor = {L{\"u}dicke, Lars}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-95410-282-2}, pages = {45 -- 55}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Behinderung als soziale Kategorie im Kontext epistemischer Ungerechtigkeiten, Ignoranz und Abh{\"a}ngigkeit}, series = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, booktitle = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, editor = {Schleidgen, Sebastian and Friedrich, Orsolya and Wolkenstein, Andreas}, publisher = {Tectum}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8288-4660-9}, doi = {10.5771/9783828877368-153}, pages = {153 -- 182}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Baumgardt2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris}, title = {Berufswelt}, series = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {292 -- 298}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Schurig2020, author = {Schurig, Antonia}, title = {Bessere Rechtsetzung im europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich}, series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, journal = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, number = {Sonderband 50}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-7760-0}, issn = {0945-1072}, doi = {10.5771/9783748921684}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Um auch die unbeabsichtigten Folgen ihrer Politik zu ermitteln, unternehmen Regierungen umfassende Gesetzesfolgenabsch{\"a}tzungen. Immer h{\"a}ufiger lassen sie sich dabei von unabh{\"a}ngigen Expertengremien kontrollieren. Doch: Wie erzielen diese Gremien Einfluss? Und welche Rolle spielen sie als Politikberater f{\"u}r B{\"u}rokratieabbau und bessere Rechtsetzung? Das Buch er{\"o}ffnet neue Einblicke in die Entwicklungshistorie und Handlungsrealit{\"a}t der drei erfahrensten Normenkontrollr{\"a}te in Europa. Vor dem Hintergrund unterschiedlicher Verwaltungskulturen werden die Ratstypen „Wachhund", „Torw{\"a}chter" und „Kritischer Freund" herausgearbeitet. Die Ergebnisse sch{\"a}rfen die politische und wissenschaftliche Debatte um die Leistungsf{\"a}higkeit von Normenkontrollr{\"a}ten.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kuhlmann2020, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Bessere Verwaltung durch Dezentralisierung? Eine l{\"a}ndervergleichende Analyse institutioneller Reformeffekte}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Bade-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-39}, pages = {39 -- 57}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{SuesserGaschnigCeglarzetal.2021, author = {S{\"u}sser, Diana and Gaschnig, Hannes and Ceglarz, Andrzej and Stavrakas, Vassilis and Flamos, Alexandros and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Better suited or just more complex?}, series = {Energy}, volume = {239}, journal = {Energy}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {0360-5442}, doi = {10.1016/j.energy.2021.121909}, pages = {32}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Energy system models are advancing rapidly. However, it is not clear whether models are becoming better, in the sense that they address the questions that decision-makers need to be answered to make well-informed decisions. Therefore, we investigate the gap between model improvements relevant from the perspective of modellers compared to what users of model results think models should address. Thus, we ask: What are the differences between energy model improvements as perceived by modellers, and the actual needs of users of model results? To answer this question, we conducted a literature review, 32 interviews, and an online survey. Our results show that user needs and ongoing improvements of energy system models align to a large degree so that future models are indeed likely to be better than current models. We also find mismatches between the needs of modellers and users, especially in the modelling of social, behavioural and political aspects, the trade-off between model complexity and understandability, and the ways that model results should be communicated. Our findings suggest that a better understanding of user needs and closer cooperation between modellers and users is imperative to truly improve models and unlock their full potential to support the transition towards climate neutrality in Europe.}, language = {en} } @article{FranzkeSchapp2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Schapp, Linze}, title = {Beyond Charter and Index}, series = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations}, journal = {The Future of Local Self-Government : European Trends in Autonomy, Innovations and Central-Local Relations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-56058-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_3}, pages = {31 -- 42}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The Chapter examines the concept of local autonomy in modern European states by analysing theoretical approaches. The classical, deductive approach defines local autonomy mostly through legal, economic and financial conditions, especially by formal structures. This proves to be too weak to define the internal strength of local authorities and their real political-administrative power. A more multidimensional definition of autonomy, including indicators as importance, capacity, as well as discretion and democracy at local level is needed. The authors utilise the indicators, used by the Local Autonomy Index (LAI) developed by Ladner et al. and the European Charter of Local Self-Government to find out what is still missing. The contribution redounds to stimulate the scientific debate on local autonomy in Europe. Until the concept of local autonomy will fit for all European states with extremely differentiated local authorities, the research in this field remains a conceptual and heuristic endeavour. Especially, because local government and democracy are until now territory-based, whereas the reality is one of multilevel and cross-border governance.}, language = {en} } @book{Ganghof2021, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-289714-5}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001}, pages = {1 -- 199}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.}, language = {en} } @misc{Ganghof2021, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, isbn = {978-0-19-289714-5}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-53783}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839}, pages = {199}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.}, language = {en} } @article{KrupnikWagnerVincentetal.2022, author = {Krupnik, Seweryn and Wagner, Aleksandra and Vincent, Olga and Rudek, Tadeusz J. and Wade, Robert and Misik, Mat{\´u}š and Akerboom, Sanne and Foulds, Chris and Smith Stegen, Karen and Adem, {\c{C}}iğdem and Batel, Susana and Rabitz, Florian and Certom{\`a}, Chiara and Chodkowska-Miszczuk, Justyna and Dokupilov{\´a}, Dušana and Leiren, Merethe D. and Ignatieva, Frolova M. and Gabald{\´o}n-Estevan, Daniel. and Horta, Ana and Karn{\o}e, Peter and Lilliestam, Johan and Loorbach, Derk A. and M{\"u}hlemeier, Susan and N{\´e}moz, Sophie and Nilsson, M{\aa}ns and Osička, Jan and Papamikrouli, Louiza and Pellizioni, Luigi and Sareen, Siddharth and Sarrica, Mauro and Seyfang, Gill and Sovacool, Benjamin K. and Telesiene, Audrone and Zapletalova, Veronika and von Wirth, Timo}, title = {Beyond technology}, series = {Energy research \& social science}, volume = {89}, journal = {Energy research \& social science}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {22146296}, doi = {10.1016/j.erss.2022.102536}, pages = {11}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This article enriches the existing literature on the importance and role of the social sciences and humanities (SSH) in renewable energy sources research by providing a novel approach to instigating the future research agenda in this field. Employing a series of in-depth interviews, deliberative focus group workshops and a systematic horizon scanning process, which utilised the expert knowledge of 85 researchers from the field with diverse disciplinary backgrounds and expertise, the paper develops a set of 100 priority questions for future research within SSH scholarship on renewable energy sources. These questions were aggregated into four main directions: (i) deep transformations and connections to the broader economic system (i.e. radical ways of (re)arranging socio-technical, political and economic relations), (ii) cultural and geographical diversity (i.e. contextual cultural, historical, political and socio-economic factors influencing citizen support for energy transitions), (iii) complexifying energy governance (i.e. understanding energy systems from a systems dynamics perspective) and (iv) shifting from instrumental acceptance to value-based objectives (i.e. public support for energy transitions as a normative notion linked to trust-building and citizen engagement). While this agenda is not intended to be—and cannot be—exhaustive or exclusive, we argue that it advances the understanding of SSH research on renewable energy sources and may have important value in the prioritisation of SSH themes needed to enrich dialogues between policymakers, funding institutions and researchers. SSH scholarship should not be treated as instrumental to other research on renewable energy but as intrinsic and of the same hierarchical importance.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63107, title = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42652-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42653-8}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Birds of a feather?}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {5}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-52169}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690}, pages = {27}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.}, language = {en} } @article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Birds of a feather?}, series = {Review of international political economy}, volume = {28}, journal = {Review of international political economy}, number = {5}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0969-2290}, doi = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711}, pages = {1249 -- 1273}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.}, language = {en} } @article{GilmanovaWangGosensetal.2021, author = {Gilmanova, Alina and Wang, Zhifeng and Gosens, Jorrit and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Building an internationally competitive concentrating solar power industry in China}, series = {Energy sources : B, economics, planning and policy}, volume = {16}, journal = {Energy sources : B, economics, planning and policy}, number = {6}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1556-7249}, doi = {10.1080/15567249.2021.1931563}, pages = {515 -- 541}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This article draws lessons from experiences of developing the photovoltaic (PV) and onshore wind power sectors in China for the development of Chinese Concentrated Solar Power (CSP) into an internationally competitive industry. We analyze the sectoral development with a framework that expands on the concept of lead markets, identifying factors that determine whether domestic industrial development paths may or may not generate export success. We find that the Chinese CSP sector has good potential for becoming internationally competitive because of a strong Chinese knowledge base, a clear eye for product quality, standard-setting, and a focus on the high-efficiency and large-storage technological routes most likely to see growing demand in future international markets. Chinese solar towers are already cheaper than international competitors and so far, appear reliable. However, continued and stable deployment support for CSP, designed to reward dispatchable solar power generation, enabling continued domestic learning-by-doing and -interacting is likely required to realize this export potential. To date, Chinese CSP policy has done many things right and, if the domestic market is maintained through renewed support, has put the Chinese industry well on the path to international competitiveness.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Seyfried2021, author = {Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Bundesrechnungshof}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, editor = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard}, edition = {8., {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23665-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_20}, pages = {80 -- 82}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Der Bundesrechnungshof schaut mittlerweile auf eine {\"u}ber 300 j{\"a}hrige Geschichte der Finanzkontrolle zur{\"u}ck (vgl. Engels 2014). Auch wenn Aufgaben und Organisation damaliger Rechenkammern bestenfalls rudiment{\"a}r mit den Einrichtungen moderner Finanzkontrolle vergleichbar sind, so legten sie doch einst deren Grundstein. Heute ist der Bundesrechnungshof eine oberste Bundesbeh{\"o}rde und pr{\"u}ft laut Artikel 114 Abs. 2 GG die „Rechnung sowie die Wirtschaftlichkeit und Ordnungsm{\"a}ßigkeit der Haushalts- und Wirtschaftsf{\"u}hrung des Bundes." Weitere Regelungen f{\"u}r den Bundesrechnungshof finden sich in der Bundeshaushaltsordnung (BHO, hier Teil V Rechnungspr{\"u}fung bis Teil VIII Entlastung, \S\S 88 bis 114) und im Bundesrechnungshofgesetz (BRHG vom 11.07.1985, mit letzter {\"A}nderung vom 05.02.2009).}, language = {de} } @article{WeaverHeinzelJorgensenetal.2022, author = {Weaver, Catherine and Heinzel, Mirko and Jorgensen, Samantha and Flores, Joseph}, title = {Bureaucratic representation in the IMF and the World Bank}, series = {Global perspectives}, volume = {3}, journal = {Global perspectives}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland, CA}, issn = {2575-7350}, doi = {10.1525/gp.2022.39684}, pages = {18}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The legitimacy and effectiveness of international organizations are often linked directly to issues of representation—not only on their high-level governing boards and in top leadership but also within their staff. This article explores two key questions of bureaucratic representation in the critical cases of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. First, we seek to unpack three essential dimensions of staff representation—nationality, education, and gender—to explain how representation may matter for international organizations. Second, we aim to describe the multiple dimensions of representation in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank over the past twenty years by deploying a novel dataset on staff demographics, focusing on ranks with decision-making authority within the institutions. Our descriptive analysis reveals that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have made considerable efforts to diversify their bureaucracies. Nonetheless, representation remains uneven; for example, nationals from middle- and low-income countries, women, and staff without economics degrees from prominent US- or UK-based universities are less present in key leadership positions. These results may be well explained by the particular needs of the institutions' technical mandates and limits in the supply of qualified staff and, as such, need not be seen as suboptimal. Nonetheless, perceived imbalances in representation may continue to pose external legitimation and operational challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in a complex political environment where such multidimensional representation is important to sustaining the buy-in of donor and borrower countries alike. To this end, we recommend that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enhance their diversity and inclusion efforts by increasing transparency via reporting disaggregated data on workforce composition and introducing annual requirements to publish progress reports with management feedback to strengthen internal and external accountability.}, language = {en} } @book{BogumilKuhlmannHeubergeretal.2022, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz and Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {B{\"u}rgernahe Verwaltung digital? I-Kfz und digitaler Kombiantrag}, series = {FES Diskurs}, journal = {FES Diskurs}, publisher = {Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-98628-187-8}, pages = {39}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2022, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Challenges of admission and integration of Ukraine war refugees in Germany since the Russian raid in February 2022}, series = {Ziemie Zachodnie i P{\´o}łnocne}, booktitle = {Ziemie Zachodnie i P{\´o}łnocne}, editor = {Stelmach, Andrzej and Barabasz, Adam and Trosiak, Cezary}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, isbn = {978-83-66740-70-9}, pages = {403 -- 412}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021, author = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian}, title = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view}, series = {The future of local self-government}, booktitle = {The future of local self-government}, editor = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-56058-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9}, pages = {115 -- 130}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020, author = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-169}, pages = {169 -- 180}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {China in der Welt des 21. Jahrhunderts}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {113}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{OPUS4-56886, title = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt}, editor = {Lian, Yuru and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {261}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Vor 50 Jahren nahmen China und Deutschland diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Das ist der Anlass f{\"u}r diesen Sammelband. Er umfasst chinesische und deutsche Autoren und gibt dem deutschen Publikum profunde Einblicke in die aktuellen Entwicklungen in China und die chinesische Diplomatie auf den verschiedenen Feldern der Weltpolitik. Sie vermitteln chinesische Weltsichten, die hierzulande wahrgenommen und respektiert werden sollten. In einer Zeit, in der auch das Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen China und Deutschland schwieriger ist, ist es wichtig, offen f{\"u}r das Andere zu sein.}, language = {de} } @article{RenEtte2022, author = {Ren, Haiyan and Ette, Ottmar}, title = {China und Humboldt}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {233 -- 239}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Chinas Aufstieg und die BRICS-Gruppe}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {171 -- 176}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{ThonigGilmanovaZhanetal.2022, author = {Thonig, Richard and Gilmanova, Alina and Zhan, Jing and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Chinese CSP for the world?}, series = {AIP conference proceedings}, journal = {AIP conference proceedings}, publisher = {American Institute of Physics}, address = {Melville}, issn = {1551-7616}, doi = {10.1063/5.0085752}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2022}, abstract = {For three consecutive five-year plans since 2006, China has worked on building up an internationally competitive CSP industry and value chain. One big milestone in commercializing proprietary Chinese CSP technology was the 2016 demonstration program of 20 commercial-scale projects. China sought to increase and demonstrate capacities for domestic CSP technology development and deployment. At the end of the 13th five-year period, we take stock of the demonstrated progress of the Chinese CSP industry towards delivering internationally competitive CSP projects. We find that in January 2021, eight commercial-scale projects, in total 500 MW, have been completed and three others were under construction in China. In addition, Chinese EPC's have participated in three international CSP projects, although proprietary Chinese CSP designs have not been applied outside China. The largest progress has been made in molten-salt tower technology, with several projects by different companies completed and operating successfully: here, the aims were met, and Chinese companies are now at the global forefront of this segment. Further efforts for large-scale demonstration are needed, however, for other CSP technologies, including parabolic trough - with additional demonstration hindered by a lack of further deployment policies. In the near future, Chinese companies seek to employ the demonstrated capabilities in the tower segment abroad and are developing projects using Chinese technology, financing, and components in several overseas markets. If successful, this will likely lead to increasing competition and further cost reductions for the global CSP sector.}, language = {en} } @article{Schmidt2022, author = {Schmidt, Max Oliver}, title = {Church asylum as ultima ratio}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, pages = {36 -- 53}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{Debre2021, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {Clubs of autocrats}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y}, pages = {485 -- 511}, year = {2021}, abstract = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Comparatice methods B}, series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, journal = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78990-347-8}, pages = {181 -- 196}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @incollection{KuhlmannSeyfried2020, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Comparative methods B}, series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, booktitle = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, editor = {Vigoda-Gadot, Eran and Vashdi, Dana R.}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-78990-347-8}, doi = {10.4337/9781789903485.00017}, pages = {181 -- 196}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter outlines the relevance and value of comparative approaches and methods in studying Public Administration (PA). It discusses the roots and current developments of comparative research in PA and discusses various methodological venues for cross-country comparisons, such as most similar/dissimilar systems designs, the method of concomitant variation and the difference-in-difference method. Besides the description of these approaches, we highlight their conceptual value for theory-driven empirical comparative research. Drawing on selected pieces of comparative research, the chapter furthermore provides examples for the application of comparative methods in practice presenting empirical findings and highlighting strengths and weaknesses. The chapter finally emphasizes that the methodological development in comparative PA research has by far not yet reached its end, and that some future challenges need to be addressed, such as the issues of causality, generalizability, and mixed-methods approaches.}, language = {en} } @article{CohenKrauseAbouChadi2024, author = {Cohen, Denis and Krause, Werner and Abou-Chadi, Tarik}, title = {Comparative vote switching}, series = {The journal of politics}, volume = {86}, journal = {The journal of politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {University of Chicago Press}, address = {Chicago, IL}, issn = {0022-3816}, doi = {10.1086/726952}, pages = {597 -- 607}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties' policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change.}, language = {en} } @incollection{KuhlmannMarienfeldt2023, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {Comparing local government systems and reforms in Europe}, series = {Handbook on local and regional governance}, booktitle = {Handbook on local and regional governance}, editor = {Teles, Filipe}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-80037-119-4}, doi = {10.4337/9781800371200.00033}, pages = {313 -- 329}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The study of subnational and local government systems and reforms has become an increasingly salient topic in comparative public administration. In many European countries, policy implementation, the execution of public tasks and the delivery of services to citizens are largely carried out by local governments, which, at the same time, have been subjected to multiple reforms and sometimes comprehensive institutional re-organizations. This chapter discusses analytical key concepts and outcomes of the comparative study of local governments and local government reforms. It outlines frameworks and analytical tools to capture the variety of institutional settings and developments at the local level of government. It provides an introduction into crucial comparative dimensions, such as functional, territorial and political profiles of local governments, and analyses current reform approaches and outcomes based on recent empirical findings. Finally, the chapter addresses salient issues to be taken up in future comparative studies about local government.}, language = {en} } @article{ThonigLilliestam2023, author = {Thonig, Richard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Concentrating solar technology policy should encourage high temperatures and modularity to enable spillovers}, series = {AIP conference proceedings}, journal = {AIP conference proceedings}, number = {1}, publisher = {American Institute of Physics}, address = {Melville}, issn = {1551-7616}, doi = {10.1063/5.0149423}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Thermal energy from concentrating solar thermal technologies (CST) may contribute to decarbonizing applications from heating and cooling, desalination, and power generation to commodities such as aluminium, hydrogen, ammonia or sustainable aviation fuels (SAF). So far, successful commercial-scale CST projects are restricted to solar industrial process heat (SIPH) and concentrating solar power (CSP) generation and, at least for the latter, depend on support from public policies that have been stagnating for years. As they are technologically similar, spillovers between SIPH or CSP and other emerging CST could accelerate commercialization across use cases while maximizing the impact of scarce support. Here, we review the technical potential for cross-fertilization between different CST applications and the ability of the current policy regime to enable this potential. Using working temperature as the key variable, we identify different clusters of current and emerging CST technologies. Low-temperature CST (<400℃) applications for heating, cooling and desalination already profit from the significant progress made in line-focussing CSP over the last 15 years. A newly emerging cluster of high temperature CST (>600℃) for solar chemistry and high-grade process heat has significant leverage for spillovers with point-focussing solar tower third-generation CSP currently under development. For these spillovers to happen, however, CSP policy designs would need to prioritize innovation for high working temperature and encourage modular plant design, by adequately remunerating hybridized plants with heat and power in and outputs that include energy sources beyond CST solar fields. This would enable synergies across applications and scales by incentivizing compatibility of modular CST components in multiple sectors and use cases.}, language = {en} } @misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9}, pages = {211 -- 224}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.}, language = {en} } @incollection{KriegerLiese2023, author = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Tracing value change in the international legal order}, booktitle = {Tracing value change in the international legal order}, editor = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-285583-1}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192855831.003.0018}, pages = {319 -- C18N113}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Based on the previous findings in this book, Chapter 18 by Heike Krieger and Andrea Liese discusses the general dynamics of change or metamorphosis in the international legal order. They discern a mixed picture of an international order between metamorphosis—that is, a more fundamental transformation—of international law, norm change, turbulences, and robustness. They explain drivers of change and highlight factors such as national interests during the war on terror, changing long-term foreign policy beliefs, and the rise in populism and autocracy, before discussing the most common strategies the actors involved use. Other relevant factors include changes in the political environment, such as shocks and power shifts or the ambiguous role of fragmentation. Moreover, they identify factors that make legal norms robust, including the vital role of norm defenders and legal and institutional structures as stabilizing elements. Krieger and Liese conclude by cautioning that if the attacks on the international order continue at the current frequency and magnitude, a metamorphosis of international law will likely be unstoppable.}, language = {en} } @article{FranzkedelaFuente2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano}, title = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe}, series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1}, issn = {2523-8248}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18}, pages = {335 -- 344}, year = {2021}, abstract = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan}, title = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union}, series = {International Journal of Public Administration}, volume = {40}, journal = {International Journal of Public Administration}, number = {14}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Philadelphia}, issn = {0190-0692}, doi = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267}, pages = {1237 -- 1249}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.}, language = {en} } @article{Fruhstorfer2021, author = {Fruhstorfer, Anna}, title = {Constitutional revolutions under autocracy}, series = {Constitutional studies}, volume = {7}, journal = {Constitutional studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of Wisconsin Press}, address = {Madison}, issn = {2474-9427}, pages = {33 -- 47}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Gary Jacobsohn and Yaniv Roznai's (2020) book Constitutional Revolution offers a sophisticated conceptual framework with a fascinating description of empirical occurrences of substantive revolutions in the practice and understanding of constitutionalism in Germany, India, Hungary, and Israel. While the conceptualization in the book and its empirical illustration clearly draw from regime transformations or substantive changes within democratic regimes, we know little about the extent to which substantive constitutional reforms are possible and meaningful in autocratic regimes. As their concept of constitutional revolution is ambiguous and requires a substantive engagement with an individual case at hand, we cannot sim- ply expect concept equivalence when expanding its use beyond a transitory or democratic context. Hence, in this contribution I ask, What constitutes a constitutional revolution in an autocratic regime? To shed light on this question, I rely on the expectation that we do not find important differences in the substance of autocratic constitutions compared to democratic constitutions. Autocratic elites, also, under- stand the possibilities of constitutional change and respond to them as they offer regime stability and simply more power, but that is not a revolution. Therefore, I argue that the substantive meaning of an amendment must be a departure from the inherent logic of the constitution, especially outside the standard procedures for autocratic ruling. Thus, in this paper I discuss the theoretical implications of a constitutional revolution under autocracy without a regime transition and provide empirical evidence from various constitutional amendments and de facto reforms in Russia. I show that a constitutional revolution is not always the most important or most discussed constitutional change—at least, not in an autocratic context. This discussion has important implications for understanding constitutionalism and autocratic stability and the largely overlooked relationship between substance and process in nondemocratic settings.}, language = {en} } @article{GehringDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices}, series = {Review of International Studies}, volume = {45}, journal = {Review of International Studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {Univ.}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0260-2105}, doi = {10.1017/S0260210518000268}, pages = {120 -- 140}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-52931, title = {Contesting citizenship}, series = {The condition of democracy}, volume = {2}, journal = {The condition of democracy}, editor = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158370}, pages = {viii, 190}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Heuberger2022, author = {Heuberger, Moritz}, title = {Coordinating digital government}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-56269}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-562691}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xiii, 136}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This thesis is analyzing multiple coordination challenges which arise with the digital transformation of public administration in federal systems, illustrated by four case studies in Germany. I make various observations within a multi-level system and provide an in-depth analysis. Theoretical explanations from both federalism research and neo-institutionalism are utilized to explain the findings of the empirical driven work. The four articles evince a holistic picture of the German case and elucidate its role as a digital government laggard. Their foci range from macro, over meso to micro level of public administration, differentiating between the governance and the tool dimension of digital government. The first article shows how multi-level negotiations lead to expensive but eventually satisfying solutions for the involved actors, creating a subtle balance between centralization and decentralization. The second article identifies legal, technical, and organizational barriers for cross-organizational service provision, highlighting the importance of inter-organizational and inter-disciplinary exchange and both a common language and trust. Institutional change and its effects on the micro level, on citizens and the employees in local one-stop shops, mark the focus of the third article, bridging the gap between reforms and the administrative reality on the local level. The fourth article looks at the citizens' perspective on digital government reforms, their expectations, use and satisfaction. In this vein, this thesis provides a detailed account of the importance of understanding the digital divide and therefore the necessity of reaching out to different recipients of digital government reforms. I draw conclusions from the factors identified as causes for Germany's shortcomings for other federal systems where feasible and derive reform potential therefrom. This allows to gain a new perspective on digital government and its coordination challenges in federal contexts.}, language = {en} } @article{Daviter2017, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {Coping, taming or solving}, series = {Policy studies}, volume = {38}, journal = {Policy studies}, number = {6}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0144-2872}, doi = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543}, pages = {571 -- 588}, year = {2017}, abstract = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.}, language = {en} } @article{DebreDijkstra2021, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke}, title = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations}, series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group}, volume = {12}, journal = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford [u.a.]}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975}, pages = {443 -- 454}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerWanckel2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Creativity in policy capacity}, series = {Public administration review}, journal = {Public administration review}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0033-3352}, doi = {10.1111/puar.13676}, pages = {15}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Creativity is a crucial part of policy capacity in governments. Existing studies on creative behavior in the public sector assess employees' openness to new ideas and creative solutions, and they confirm the relevance of organizational and individual determinants for pro-creativity attitudes. Yet we lack systemic evidence on the explicit level of work-related creativity among policy officials in government organizations. At the same time, novel technologies and particularly social networking services change the working environment of policy officials radically, alter organizational features, and may also yield crucial individual effects. Our study analyses "policy creativity" of policy officials in three European governments. We demonstrate the importance of organizational and individual features, including the stress triggered by using social networking services. Our study captures officials' creativity explicitly and adds to debates on creativity and innovation in the public sector as well as the micro-level foundations of the digital transformation in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @misc{Ihle2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck "Gott" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51576}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515768}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {66}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Der rechtliche, moralisch-ethische und auch politische Gehalt des Theaterst{\"u}cks „Gott" wirft aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive u. a. die Frage auf, inwiefern sich das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck Gott von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht eignet. Diese Frage stellt sich v. a. vor dem Hintergrund, dass der Politikdidaktiker Ingo Juchler im Rahmen des von ihm begr{\"u}ndeten narrativen Ansatzes der politischen Bildung den Einsatz von Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung explizit vorschl{\"a}gt. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus l{\"a}sst sich die Narration auch thematisch dem Politikunterricht zuordnen. Denn, dass Recht „Teil der Politischen Bildung ist und im Unterricht eine Rolle spielen sollte" (Goll 2017: 592), gilt in der fachdidaktischen Literatur zum rechtlichen Lernen gemeinhin als unstrittig. Die Arbeit ist gedanklich in zwei Teile gegliedert: Im ersten Teil wird zun{\"a}chst eine wissenschaftlich bzw. fachdidaktisch fundierte Grundlage geschaffen. In einem ersten Schritt werden deshalb der narrative Ansatz der politischen Bildung und in diesem Zusammenhang insbesondere die Vorz{\"u}ge des Einsatzes von Narrationen im Politikunterricht vorgestellt. Anschließend werden Recht und Rechtserziehung in den Kontext von Schule und Politikunterricht eingeordnet. Aus beiden Abschnitten werden folglich Kriterien abgeleitet, anhand derer im Allgemeinen die Eignung einer Narration f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 2) und im Besonderen die Eignung einer Narration als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 3) bestimmt werden kann. Diese Kriterien werden in einem Kriterienkatalog (Abschnitt 4) geb{\"u}ndelt, mit dessen Hilfe im zweiten Teil das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck „Gott" hinsichtlich seiner Eignung als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht {\"u}berpr{\"u}ft wird. Abschließend werden die Untersuchungsergebnisse pointiert dargelegt und das Vorgehen reflektiert.}, language = {de} } @techreport{Franzke2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Das Zusammenwirken der Ortsbeir{\"a}te mit der Stadtverwaltung und der Stadtverordnetenversammlung}, editor = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam, Oberb{\"u}rgermeister}, publisher = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {27}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @techreport{KuhlmannFranzkeDumasetal.2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heine, Moreen}, title = {Daten als Grundlage f{\"u}r wissenschaftliche Politikberatung}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51968}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-519683}, pages = {67}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung f{\"u}r die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabw{\"a}gung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verst{\"a}ndnis f{\"u}r die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzusch{\"a}tzen. Die Studie hat dar{\"u}ber hinaus vielf{\"a}ltige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verf{\"u}gbarkeit, Qualit{\"a}t, Zug{\"a}nglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbest{\"a}nde f{\"u}r eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefensch{\"a}rfe und Differenziertheit des verf{\"u}gbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. f{\"u}r sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder f{\"u}r kleinr{\"a}umige Daten {\"u}ber Belastungs- und Kapazit{\"a}tsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheits{\"a}mtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bez{\"u}glich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Pr{\"a}vention, aber auch h{\"a}usliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eind{\"a}mmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietsk{\"o}rperschaftlichen Ebene. Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein „Mehr" an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualit{\"a}t, Verkn{\"u}pfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr m{\"u}ssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Pr{\"a}gungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es m{\"u}ssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das K{\"o}nnen (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu st{\"a}rken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten f{\"u}r Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen: (1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams, (2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren, (3) St{\"a}rkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltung, (4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilit{\"a}t und Registermodernisierung, (5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung, (6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung, (7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repr{\"a}sentativen Datensatzes, (8) F{\"o}rderung der europ{\"a}ischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit.}, language = {de} } @article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021, author = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus}, title = {Decision-making in international organizations}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {4}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x}, pages = {815 -- 845}, year = {2021}, abstract = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.}, language = {en} } @article{ReschSchoenigerKleinschmittetal.2022, author = {Resch, Gustav and Sch{\"o}niger, Franziska and Kleinschmitt, Christoph and Franke, Katja and Thonig, Richard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Deep decarbonization of the European power sector calls for dispatchable CSP}, series = {AIP conference proceedings}, journal = {AIP conference proceedings}, publisher = {American Institute of Physics}, address = {Melville}, issn = {1551-7616}, doi = {10.1063/5.0086710}, pages = {050006-1 -- 050006-9}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) offers flexible and decarbonized power generation and is one of the few dispatchable renewable technologies able to generate renewable electricity on demand. Today (2018) CSP contributes only 5TWh to the European power generation, but it has the potential to become one of the key pillars for European decarbonization pathways. In this paper we investigate how factors and pivotal policy decisions leading to different futures and associated CSP deployment in Europe in the years up to 2050. In a second step we characterize the scenarios with their associated system cost and the costs of support policies. We show that the role of CSP in Europe critically depends on political developments and the success or failure of policies outside renewable power. In particular, the uptake of CSP depends on the overall decarbonization ambition, the degree of cross border trade of renewable electricity and is enabled by the presence of strong grid interconnection between Southern and Norther European Member States as well as by future electricity demand growth. The presence of other baseload technologies, prominently nuclear power in France, reduce the role and need for CSP. Assuming favorable technological development, we find a strong role for CSP in Europe in all modeled scenarios: contributing between 100TWh to 300TWh of electricity to a future European power system. This would require increasing the current European CSP fleet by a factor of 20 to 60 in the next 30 years. To achieve this financial support between € 0.4-2 billion per year into CSP would be needed, representing only a small share of overall support needs for power-system transformation. Cooperation of Member States could further help to reduce this cost.}, language = {en} } @article{SchmidtWellenburg2022, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Democratization or politicization?}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {106 -- 128}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin}, series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, editor = {Jungwirth, Martin}, publisher = {WTM-Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5}, doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0.17}, pages = {155 -- 160}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Berg2023, author = {Berg, Carsten}, title = {Der Beitrag der europ{\"a}ischen B{\"u}rgerinitiative zur Demokratisierung der Europ{\"a}ischen Union}, pages = {387}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Der Untersuchungsgegenstand der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die Praxis der Europ{\"a}ischen B{\"u}rgerinitiative (EBI) nach Art. 11 Abs. 4 EUV, dem weltweit ersten und einzigen Instrument transnationaler, partizipativer und digitaler Demokratie. Im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung steht die Frage, welchen Beitrag die EBI zur weiteren Demokratisierung der EU leisten kann und auf welche Art und Weise insoweit noch weitere Verbesserungen erzielt werden k{\"o}nnen. Nach zehnj{\"a}hriger Anwendungspraxis von 2012 bis 2022 liegen inzwischen ausreichend empirische Daten vor, um den Forschungsgegenstand umfassend zu erforschen und das Instrument mit Blick auf seinen von den EU-Institutionen versprochenen Legitimations- und Demokratisierungsbeitrag bewerten zu k{\"o}nnen. Insbesondere wird das EBI-Verfahren in dieser Arbeit auf seine empirisch nachweisbare Nutzung, auf seine prozedurale Nutzerfreundlichkeit sowie auf seine politische wie rechtliche Wirkm{\"a}chtigkeit untersucht. Zum Zwecke der korrekten Kategorisierung, Bewertung sowie der nutzerfreundlichen Ausgestaltung des EBI-Verfahrens werden Vergleiche mit B{\"u}rger- und Volksinitiativverfahren in den EU-Mitgliedstaaten sowie mit B{\"u}rgerbeteiligungsverfahren auf EU-Ebene vorgenommen. Den empirischen und komparativen Analysen werden eine historische Analyse {\"u}ber die Genese der EBI seit dem EU-Verfassungskonvent sowie theoretisch-normative {\"U}berlegungen und praktische Untersuchungen zu unterschiedlichen beteiligungszentrierten Demokratiemodellen vorangestellt, um die EBI einzuordnen und die Steigerungsm{\"o}glichkeiten ihres Demokratisierungsbeitrags zu erschließen. Letzteres zielt schließlich auf die Frage nach der prozeduralen Kombination und Kompatibilit{\"a}t der EBI mit demokratischen Innovationen aus dem Bereich der deliberativen und direkten Demokratie ab. Die Arbeit schließt mit einem Ausblick und unterbreitet umfassende EBI-Reformoptionen sowohl auf der prim{\"a}r- und sekund{\"a}rrechtlichen als auch auf der informellen Ebene.}, language = {de} } @masterthesis{Unterseher2023, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Unterseher, Lina}, title = {Der Nutzen verk{\"u}rzter Arbeitszeit mit Einkommensausgleich f{\"u}r den {\"o}ffentlichen Arbeitgeber}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-63934}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-639343}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {V, 30, XV}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Dieses Literatur-Review verfolgt angesichts des gegenw{\"a}rtigen, gesteigerten {\"o}ffentlichen Interesses zum Thema von Arbeitszeitverk{\"u}rzungsmodellen mit Gehaltsausgleich das Ziel, den aktuellen deutsch- und englischsprachigen Forschungsstand zum m{\"o}glichen Nutzen von Arbeitszeitverk{\"u}rzungen mit Gehaltsausgleich (AZV+) f{\"u}r den {\"o}ffentlichen Arbeitgeber dar-zustellen und kritisch auszuwerten. Das Review basiert auf insgesamt zehn Publikationen, die zum großen Teil zu dem Schluss kommen, dass AZV+ zu keinen negativen Effekten, sondern zu entweder neutralen oder auch mehrheitlich positiven Auswirkungen auf die Arbeitgebendenseite f{\"u}hren. Dabei handelt es sich insbesondere um verbesserte Stresslevel, gesundheitliche Aspekte, gleichbleibende oder erh{\"o}hte Produktivit{\"a}t und Motivation/Energie sowie verringerte Absentismuszahlen. Die Anreiz-Beitrags-Theorie bietet sich als Erkl{\"a}rungsmodell f{\"u}r diese Ergebnisse gut an, da sie Aussagen dar{\"u}ber trifft, inwiefern Anreizsysteme wie eine AZV+ f{\"u}r Arbeitnehmende durch deren subjektive Bed{\"u}rfnisbefriedigung unter Einhaltung bestimmter Grenzen (keine {\"U}berschreitung der Beitragsforderungen durch Anpassung des Workload) zu Effekten f{\"u}hren kann, die sich indirekt auch positiv hinsichtlich der Organisationsziele aus-wirken. Die ebenfalls angewandten motivationstheoretischen Elemente der Cognitive Evaluation Theory und der Motivation Crowding Theorie eignen sich weniger gut in ihrer Erkl{\"a}rungskraft der untersuchten Effekte, da die Differenzierung verschiedener Motivationsarten im Rahmen der hier untersuchten Studien unerheblich zu sein scheint. Insgesamt ist die Studienlage zu dem Thema AZV+ generell, und auch speziell im {\"o}ffentlichen Sektor, sehr d{\"u}nn und bietet kaum M{\"o}glichkeiten f{\"u}r generalisierende Aus-sagen, sodass ein großer Forschungsbedarf zu diesem Thema besteht.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2021, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Der rekonstruktive Nationalismus und die Demokratie}, series = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?}, booktitle = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?}, editor = {Jansen, Christian and Zepp, Marianne}, publisher = {wbg Academic}, address = {Darmstadt}, isbn = {978-3-534-40501-5}, pages = {87 -- 116}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{Reiners2021, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Despite or Because of Contestation?}, series = {Human Rights Quarterly}, volume = {43}, journal = {Human Rights Quarterly}, number = {2}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.}, address = {New York}, issn = {1085-794X}, doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021}, pages = {329 -- 343}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Botsch2021, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Deutsche B{\"u}rger}, series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg}, booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg}, editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {9783947686476}, pages = {187 -- 216}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschland}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_7}, pages = {113 -- 128}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Das Kapitel beginnt mit einem kurzen historischen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber den {\"U}bergang Deutschlands im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert von einem Transit- und Auswanderungsland zu einem Einwanderungsland. Der n{\"a}chste Teil des Kapitels befasst sich mit den Herausforderungen und Problemen der deutschen Einwanderungspolitik in einem f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem. Abschließend analysiert das Kapitel einige Trends in der deutschen Migrationspolitik seit der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise 2015, wie etwa Ver{\"a}nderungen im Parteiensystem und in den Konzepten, die der Migrationspolitik zugrunde liegen, um die Zuwanderung nach Deutschland besser zu steuern, zu kontrollieren und zu begrenzen.}, language = {de} } @article{Dieter2022, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Deutschland und die neue Geo{\"o}konomie}, series = {Politikum}, volume = {8}, journal = {Politikum}, number = {3}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt, M.}, issn = {2364-4737}, doi = {10.46499/1838.2481}, pages = {30 -- 37}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke2020, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.}, series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, volume = {14}, journal = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, issn = {1899-6256}, doi = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21}, pages = {325 -- 342}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{Fuhr2022, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Development thinking and practice}, series = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism}, booktitle = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism}, editor = {R{\"u}land, J{\"u}rgen and Carrapatoso, Astrid}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-80037-755-4}, doi = {10.4337/9781800377561.00037}, pages = {365 -- 380}, year = {2022}, abstract = {After some seventy years of intensive debates, there is an increasingly strong consensus within the academic and practitioner communities that development is both an objective and a process towards improving the quality of people's lives in various societal dimensions - economic, social, environmental, cultural and political - and about how subjectively satisfied they are with it. Since 2015, the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations (UN) reflect such consensus. The sections behind this argument are based on a review of (i) three key theoretical contributions to development and different phases of development thinking; (ii) global and regional governance arrangements and institutions for development cooperation; (iii) upcoming challenges to development policy and practice stemming from a series of new global challenges; and, (iv) development policy as a long and steady, increasingly global and participatory learning process.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Baumgart2024, author = {Baumgart, Lene}, title = {Die Ambivalenz der Digitalisierung}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-63040}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-630401}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {137}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Ausgehend von der Beobachtung, dass die aktuelle Digitalisierungsforschung die Ambivalenz der Digitalisierung zwar erkennt, aber nicht zum Gegenstand ihrer Analysen macht, fokussiert die vorliegende kumulative Dissertation auf die ambivalente Dichotomie aus Potenzialen und Problemen, die mit digitalen Transformationen von Organisationen einhergeht. Entlang von sechs Publikationen wird mit einem systemtheoretischen Blick auf Organisationen die spannungsvolle Dichotomie hinsichtlich dreier ambivalenter Verh{\"a}ltnisse aufgezeigt: Erstens wird in Bezug auf das Verh{\"a}ltnis von Digitalisierung und Postb{\"u}rokratie deutlich, dass digitale Transformationen das Potenzial aufweisen, postb{\"u}rokratische Arbeitsweisen zu erleichtern. Parallel ergibt sich das Problem, dass auf Konsens basierende postb{\"u}rokratische Strukturen Digitalisierungsinitiativen erschweren, da diese auf eine Vielzahl von Entscheidungen angewiesen sind. Zweitens zeigt sich mit Blick auf das ambivalente Verh{\"a}ltnis von Digitalisierung und Vernetzung, dass einerseits organisationsweite Kooperation erm{\"o}glicht wird, w{\"a}hrend sich andererseits die Gefahr digitaler Widerspruchskommunikation auftut. Beim dritten Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen Digitalisierung und Gender deutet sich das mit neuen digitalen Technologien einhergehende Potenzial f{\"u}r Gender Inklusion an, w{\"a}hrend zugleich das Problem einprogrammierter Gender Biases auftritt, die Diskriminierungen oftmals versch{\"a}rfen. Durch die Gegen{\"u}berstellung der Potenziale und Probleme wird nicht nur die Ambivalenz organisationaler Digitalisierung analysierbar und verst{\"a}ndlich, es stellt sich auch heraus, dass mit digitalen Transformationen einen doppelte Formalisierung einhergeht: Organisationen werden nicht nur mit den f{\"u}r Reformen {\"u}blichen Anpassungen der formalen Strukturen konfrontiert, sondern m{\"u}ssen zus{\"a}tzlich formale Entscheidungen zu Technikeinf{\"u}hrung und -beibehaltung treffen sowie formale L{\"o}sungen etablieren, um auf unvorhergesehene Potenziale und Probleme reagieren. Das Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine analytisch generalisierte Heuristik an die Hand zu geben, mit deren Hilfe die Errungenschaften und Chancen digitaler Transformationen identifiziert werden k{\"o}nnen, w{\"a}hrend sich parallel ihr Verh{\"a}ltnis zu den gleichzeitig entstehenden Herausforderungen und Folgeproblemen erkl{\"a}ren l{\"a}sst.}, language = {de} } @misc{Dieter2023, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Die doppelte Krise der chinesischen Planwirtschaft.}, series = {Wirtschaftswoche}, journal = {Wirtschaftswoche}, number = {5}, publisher = {D{\"u}sseldorf}, address = {Handelsblatt GmbH}, issn = {0042-8582}, pages = {41 -- 41}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Dittberner2009, author = {Dittberner, J{\"u}rgen}, title = {Die Freien W{\"a}hler und die Krise der Parteiendemokratie}, series = {B{\"u}rgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder}, journal = {B{\"u}rgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder}, publisher = {Koehler \& Amelang}, address = {Leipzig}, isbn = {978-3-7338-0368-1}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2009}, language = {de} } @misc{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Werner}, title = {Die Macht der Sonntagsfrage}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.17176/20231222-111226-0}, pages = {7}, year = {2023}, abstract = {F{\"u}r das Jahr 2024 sind entscheidende Wahlen geplant - unter ihnen die US-Pr{\"a}sidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zum Europ{\"a}ischen Parlament. In Deutschland werden in Brandenburg, Sachsen und Th{\"u}ringen die Landtage gew{\"a}hlt. Wahlumfragen, insbesondere die Sonntagsfrage, sind zu einem integralen Bestandteil von Wahlk{\"a}mpfen geworden; gleichzeitig steht auch deren Zuverl{\"a}ssigkeit im Zentrum medialer Aufmerksamkeit. Eine Debatte {\"u}ber die Kommunikation und Darstellung von Meinungsumfragen ist in Deutschland dringend notwendig. Eine bindende Selbstverpflichtung der Umfrageinstitute und Medienh{\"a}user w{\"a}re eine vielversprechende L{\"o}sung.}, language = {de} } @article{Rothermel2020, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Die Manosphere}, series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen}, volume = {33}, journal = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen}, number = {2}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2192-4848}, doi = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041}, pages = {491 -- 505}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.}, language = {de} } @incollection{IhleCarl2024, author = {Ihle, Sebastian and Carl, Kea}, title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im (Politik-) Unterricht}, series = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, booktitle = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42652-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42653-8_5}, pages = {69 -- 88}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der vorliegende Beitrag, der sich weniger als Fachbeitrag, sondern vielmehr als Erfahrungsbericht aus der Praxis versteht, berichtet von unterschiedlichen Versuchen, die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in den schulischen Kontext einzubringen und somit der unzureichenden Beachtung der Thematik entgegenzuwirken. Nachdem {\"u}berblicksartig die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik herausgestellt und auf diese Weise die Notwendigkeit einer unterrichtlichen Besch{\"a}ftigung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Menschen und anderen Tieren begr{\"u}ndet wird, wird zun{\"a}chst von einem ersten Versuch berichtet, (angehende) Lehrkr{\"a}fte im Rahmen eines Workshops am Studienseminar Potsdam f{\"u}r die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik zu sensibilisieren sowie {\"u}ber eine m{\"o}gliche Umsetzung in den verschiedenen Unterrichtsf{\"a}chern zu informieren. Anschließend werden - exemplarisch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht - zwei Unterrichtsstunden, die die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung auf verschiedene Weise in den Politikunterricht einbeziehen, sowie die im Rahmen der Durchf{\"u}hrung gesammelten Erfahrungen vorgestellt.}, language = {de} } @misc{Carl2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Carl, Kea}, title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere: eine Unterrichtskonzeption f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51512}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515129}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {127}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche M{\"o}glichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen f{\"u}r einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden k{\"o}nnen. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an M{\"o}glichkeiten, das sich mit dieser {\"U}berlegung {\"o}ffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktm{\"a}ßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht. Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten f{\"u}r den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielf{\"a}ltige Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte sowohl f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht als auch f{\"u}r weitere Unterrichtsf{\"a}cher bietet.}, language = {de} } @article{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Die neue Rechte in der Nuss-Schale}, series = {Rechte R{\"a}nder : Faschismus, Gesellschaft und Staat}, journal = {Rechte R{\"a}nder : Faschismus, Gesellschaft und Staat}, publisher = {Verbrecher Verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-95732-558-7}, pages = {95 -- 130}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Haessler2021, author = {H{\"a}ßler, Marcel}, title = {Die Polizei aus Sicht afghanischer Polizisten}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {422}, year = {2021}, language = {de} }