@book{OPUS4-2260,
  title     = {Proceedings of the 2nd Workshop on Prosody, Syntax, and Information Structure (WPSI 2)},
  editor    = {Ishihara, Shinichiro and Petrova, Svetlana and Schwarz, Anne},
  issn      = {1866-4725},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-22234},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {This volume contains the proceedings of the 2nd Workshop on Prosody, Syntax, and Information Structure (WPSI2), held at University of Potsdam on March 18, 2005. WPSI 2 was aimed to discuss issues on the interaction of prosody, syntax, and information structure, from interdisciplinary points of view. The contributors (Haruo Kubozono, Shinichiro Ishihara, Yoshihisa Kitagawa, and Satoshi Tomioka) have been recently working on relevant issues, especially looking at the phenomena related to the intonation of focus and (wh-)questions in Japanese.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Selkirk2007,
  author    = {Selkirk, Elisabeth},
  title     = {Contrastive focus, givenness and the unmarked status of "Discourse-New"},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19670},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {New evidence is provided for a grammatical principle that singles out contrastive focus (Rooth 1996; Truckenbrodt 1995) and distinguishes it from discourse-new "informational" focus. Since the prosody of discourse-given constituents may also be distinguished from discourse-new, a three-way distinction in representation is motivated. It is assumed that an F-feature marks just contrastive focus (Jackendoff 1972, Rooth 1992), and that a G-feature marks discoursegiven constituents (F{\´e}ry and Samek-Lodovici 2006), while discoursenew is unmarked. A crucial argument for G-marking comes from second occurrence focus (SOF) prosody, which arguably derives from a syntactic representation where SOF is both F-marked and G-marked. This analysis relies on a new G-Marking Condition specifying that a contrastive focus may be G-marked only if the focus semantic value of its scope is discourse-given, i.e. only if the contrast itself is given.},
  language  = {en}
}