@article{ForsterHeinzel2021,
  author    = {Forster, Timon and Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {Reacting, fast and slow},
  series = {Journal of European public policy},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Journal of European public policy},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-1763},
  doi       = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1942157},
  pages     = {1299 -- 1320},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The COVID-19 pandemic created extraordinary challenges for governments to safeguard the well-being of their people. To what extent has leaders' reliance on scientific advice shaped government responses to the COVID-19 outbreak? We argue that leaders who tend to orient themselves on expert advice realized the extent of the crisis earlier. Consequently, these governments would adopt containment measures relatively quickly, despite the high uncertainty they faced. Over time, differences in government responses based on the use of science would dissipate due to herding effects. We test our argument on data combining 163 government responses to the pandemic with national- and individual-level characteristics. Consistent with our argument, we find that countries governed by politicians with a stronger technocratic mentality, approximated by holding a PhD, adopted restrictive containment measures faster in the early, but not in the later, stages of the crisis. This importance of expert-based leadership plausibly extends to other large-scale societal crises.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Wegmann2022,
  author    = {Wegmann, Simone},
  title     = {Policy-making power of opposition players},
  series = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1357-2334},
  doi       = {10.1080/13572334.2020.1843233},
  pages     = {1 -- 25},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The organisation of legislative chambers and the consequences of parliamentary procedures have been among the most prominent research questions in legislative studies. Even though democratic elections not only lead to the formation of a government but also result in an opposition, the literature has mostly neglected oppositions and their role in legislative chambers. This paper proposes to fill this gap by looking at the legislative organisation from the perspective of opposition players. The paper focuses on the potential influence of opposition players in the policy-making process and presents data on more than 50 legislative chambers. The paper shows considerable variance of the formal power granted to opposition players. Furthermore, the degree of institutionalisation of opposition rights is connected to electoral systems and not necessarily correlated with other institutional characteristics such as regime type or the size of legislative chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}